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COVID-19 has once again exposed the widening rift between radical religious organisations, their parochial leaders — and the government.
With protests breaking out across Pakistan, it has become clear that the Pakistan Army’s power over the people is eroding
Going into 2024, Pakistan remains in the throes of a polycrisis, without a clear roadmap on how to navigate it
The rapidly-approaching March 16 deadline for the dissolution of the Government led by Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf, ahead of scheduled May elections, is an occasion worthy of note and reflection for Pakistan.
Recent political moves by the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in Sindh reflect more desperation than confidence, while the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) is doing what every political party in Pakistan excels in - crying foul for having been deprived of effective power by a stronger adversary.
The relationship between the United States and Pakistan is one that grew exponentially in the first decade of the new millennia. However, following the post-US drawdown from Afghanistan, the United States' relationship with Pakistan has hit a roadblock of sorts.
Of the many pressing challenges and crises facing Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, the one which is perhaps the most difficult to address is the sectarian blood-letting that has been tearing the social fabric of Pakistan for decades now.
Justice Iftikhar Chaudhary, who retired on December 12 after heading Pakistan's apex court for seven years, has left behind a contentious legacy of judicial activism, in many senses unprecedented and extraordinarily difficult to follow.
In the ongoing power game in Pakistan, the US would secretly back the Army despite all the ill feeling in recent weeks while publicly supporting the civilian government. Probably the US would prefer that the PPP government be sacrificed in an early election, something the Army would appreciate.
The on-going electricity crisis in Pakistan and the country-wide protests that followed have laid bare the weaknesses in the country's energy policy.
Would the appointment of a new army chief change the relationship between the military and the Pakistani government?
Serious questions are being raised about the integrity and fairness of the upcoming elections as many believe that the results have already been decid
Political fragility, increased interference of security agencies and the army establishment in the matters of civilian administration and even CPEC pr
इमरान ख़ान के Islamabad long march के नतीजों को लेकर कोई भी आश्वस्त नह�
Madrasas are Islamic religious seminaries, which were originally meant to train young persons, who wanted to take to religion as a profession. They wanted to work as clerics in mosques and as members of the staff in Islamic charitable institutions. In view of the limited career opportunities open to the students of the madrasas, only those who were keen to become religious clerics joined them. Till 1977,
People have voted against the military’s political favourites but General Munir still gets to cook up the next coalition government
Pakistan’s strategic calculations in Afghanistan have backfired, leaving it entangled in the complexities of the South Asian geopolitics.
Pakistan’s new Prime Minister, Imran Khan, faces formidable challenges. For now, the most difficult one may yet be mollifying his restive fellow Pashtuns who have suffered grievously in the Army’s anti-terror operations in the country’s tribal regions.
No matter the winner, Pakistan’s economy will make it difficult for the incoming government to meet election promises
Can Pakistan help the US tame the Taliban so that Trump can withdraw US forces from Afghanistan? That’s the price the US demands in exchange for aid for Pakistan’s floundering economy, but success is far from assured
हुकूमत और सेना पर इमरान के लगातार हमलों ने पाकिस्तान में �
If earlier the army would sabotage things, this time the civilians have done so.
Pakistan continues to live in its own world as was reflected in its PM’s statement that there is no role for India in Afghanistan. Many in Pakistan are now putting all their eggs in China’s basket. The Xiamen BRICS declaration, which listed Pakistan-based terror organisations for the first time, should be a warning to Pakistan than an isolated Pakistan would be of little use to even China.
As Pakistan ushers in a new executive, backed by a fractured legislature, its judiciary remains survivalist
Despite Pakistan’s deployment of a wide range of nuclear capabilities as part of its FSD strategy, there is no need for India to be alarmed
India is wise to emphasise the costs to Islamabad of its obstructionism. Pakistan cannot hold the future of South Asia hostage to its India paranoia.
Pakistan started developing the Nasr in the mid-2000s and the first report about the missile came out after a test firing in 2011.
Would the new NSP bring about much-required reform in Pakistan or will it just double down on its past rhetoric?
In the second of a two-part series, the NSP’s promises on the economy, security, India and terrorism are dissected through a critical lens
In the first of a two-part series, the NSP’s promises on the economy, security, India and terrorism are dissected through a critical lens
Islamabad will deploy all political and diplomatic tools to lobby in the West. But it senses failure
The Pakistani military might now try to focus on India so as to resurrect its diminishing credentials, especially as General Qamar Javed Bajwa will be under pressure. He will have to prove his worth by making sure the regional security environment deteriorates.
The Pakistan army has honed its ability to keep a sword dangling over the head of every single politician to keep them compliant and obsequious.
Pakistan should be cautious of the excessive IMF lending as the large capital inflows can undermine the BoP viability in the long run
Terror training schools, teaching hundreds of new and young recruits in suicide missions and use of sophisticated weapons like AK-47, Mi-5 and Surface to Air Missiles (SAMs), have been active in many parts of Pakistan, including Punjab, North West Frontier Province (NWFP), Waziristan and Pak-occupied Kashmir.
