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Earlier this month, India and Russia took stock of the bilateral relationship in a range of sectors, including civil nuclear, trade and investments.
The Modi factor disturbed the Congress party also to some extent. Though Jairam Ramesh had called Modi as "India's first authentic fascist", his description that Modi might prove a challenge to the Congress in 2014 did not go well with a Congress veteran who went to the extent of saying that if Ramesh felt so, he might as well resign and join Modi.
PM Modi has made another high decibel visit to the US, once again holding out hope that India is ready to do business. However, unfortunately not much has changed back home between his last trip and the ongoing one. Rules, laws and regulations remain inflexible.
The best news in years is that India’s government finally seems to recognize the scale of the problems it faces.
In 2018, significant developments could take place in Southeast Asia, beginning with the Indo-ASEAN commemorative summit on January, followed by New Delhi hosting all the ASEAN leaders collectively as chief guests at the Republic Day function.
Ideology and political gain seem to play a role in the Modi government’s Pakistan policy. If it was ideology, India ought to have declared Pakistan a state sponsor of terrorism instead of going around the world asking others to do so.
Given the state of India-Pakistan relations, India doesn’t have much diplomatic leverage with Islamabad at this juncture.
If the Gupkar Declaration fails, it will be a collective failure of the mainstream in Jammu and Kashmir, and render any electoral exercise futile.
A plan is needed to deal with the changing nature of the militancy.
As Prime Minister Narendra Modi completes the first year in office, his greatest momentum has been in foreign policy. But the external opportunities he has successfully created for India could be undermined by potential domestic failures.
The flop black money amnesty scheme is a huge setback for a government which was committed to bringing back black money. What is worrisome is that other nations have succeeded while India has failed abysmally in this exercise.
Silencing both critics and skeptics, Modi had categorically stated that “relations between the two countries cannot be determined or be even remotely influenced by incidents related to individuals.”
PM Modi's push to industries - trucking, agricultural purchases, construction - where wages are still distributed in cash towards digital payments
Trump has his obsessions, but so has Modi.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh after the land boundary settlement is a step with far-reaching strategic implications. The two countries can now take their bilateral ties to a much higher level.
Modi’s visit to Egypt offers a strong platform to build a relationship in the changing world order
The Ukraine war has, if anything, added to the impetus for bringing India closer to the Nordic region.
In his inauguration speech, President Solih referred only to India by name, and also reiterated that the Maldives was returning to the ‘India first�
On the eve of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit, M. Ganapathi, former High Commissioner of India to Mauritius, analyses India-Mauritius ties and suggests areas of cooperation to further strengthen the relationship.
One hopes that by the time Modi gets to places like Janakpur, Lumbini and Muktinath, India would have taken concrete steps towards the promotion of trans-border connectivity and tourism between the two countries.
Given its proximity to India and its importance in global value chains, ASEAN is in a vital zone of India’s strategic interests.
A key element of the 44-page document entitled ‘India’s National Security Strategy’ (INSS) is the view that India must be prepared for unilateral, limited military actions against terror groups in Pakistan.
The man is full of energy, strong in the saddle and is likely to be around till 2030.
Six months in office, Narendra Modi has set a scorching pace, but mainly in the area of foreign policy. He has undertaken eight foreign trips, of which six were to the Asia-Pacific region. And, there can be little doubt that the subtext of his visits to nine countries has been China.
When Modi meets Xi, he will be talking to a leader positioning himself and his country as a global power. It is important for India to be in some of the calculations, just as much it is necessary for India not to overstretch by wanting to be seen everywhere.
There are many metrics to measure the Modi foreign policy of the past year.
Narendra Modi came to power with an unexceptional agenda: push economic growth; transform the infrastructure; bring about a social transformation. But this agenda appears to be in danger of being drowned out by a cacophony of voices from Hindutva organisations.
The new Prime Minister will also have to wrestle policy decisions out of the hands of the media panels at primetime. Less than 10% per cent of homes with TV sets watch news and less than ten per cent of those homes watch English news.Yet, anchors and media personalities claim to speak for the nation.
If all goes well, India and the US could partner at the ICANN high table, in the sort of Security Council of Internet governance. In engaging with the tech community in California, Modi was bolstering India's credentials for such a role.
No longer just a balancer, the prime minister wants to make India a major power in its own right. And his cabinet pick shows he’s serious about doing so.
By announcing the creation of a chief of defense staff, New Delhi hopes to modernise India’s armed forces.
The Government's honeymoon is perhaps already over and realistically it has another 6 to 12 months to start putting flesh on the bare-bone schemes and ideas announced this past year. If these do not eventuate, one may well witness emptier stadiums abroad and hear shriller voices at home.
