27978 results found
The average tariff rate for WTO member countries was down to nine per cent in 2013.
A proposal by Nobel economists to resolve the trade war ignores the whole point of having a global trading system.
Investment restrictions and import tariffs cannot by themselves stop China’s technology juggernaut.
COVID19 pandemic offers India and the US an opportunity to build a positive-sum consensus
The US has done some serious weight-lifting to break down its own barriers to closer defence ties with India, and has taken away the plank that it isn't sincere. Can India do the same? Dr. Carter and his team have left a legacy which can be built upon. It is just the end of the beginning.
The visit of Modi to Washington D.C. promises to be a harbinger of a major transformation in US-India defence ties
There is good cause to be optimistic about the US-India defence technology partnership, but the commentary on both sides could do with a dose of reali
India must recognise that the induction of various US acoustic naval platforms cannot alone meet the challenge presented by the underwater expanse of
It is vital that Washington does not miss its moment to cement ties with Delhi nor squander a golden opportunity to amplify pressure on Beijing.
The healthcare industry is undergoing an unprecedented change. The affordability and quality of healthcare are being profoundly affected by increased globalization, competition, cost consciousness, regulations and new technologies. The US is expected to spend up to 20% of GDP on healthcare by 2015.
The United States-India relations reached a high point when the two countries signed the Civil Nuclear Agreement in 2005. But since then, relations between the two countries have drifted. Both the countries must move ahead to build trust and cooperation in other areas.
Washington needs to understand that India-US partnership is not about democracy or common values but about common interests. The real strategic glue in the relationship is the common concern in maintaining some sort of balance in the larger Asian region in the context of China's rise.
Beyond space launches, India and the US have started cooperating in the area of Satellite Navigation.
With the nuclear deal over, New Delhi and Washington need another big idea to power the bilateral relationship over the next several years. Space cooperation has the potential for being that next big idea.
The US-India Strategic Dialogue appears to have produced no big ideas for carrying forward the relationship. Both countries need to be more innovative and visionary, and identify cutting edge areas to cooperate - like space.
The United States should reset expectations in line with India’s preferences for continuity, reformation, and new equilibria
Biden will seek to capitalise on the ‘America First’ approach’s uninhibited emphasis on divergences that have long been at an impasse.
It is time for the India-US security partnership to be more than a Voldemort -that whose name shall not be spoken. India is capable enough to secure its interests within such a partnership. The trade relationship will always be contentious, that much is clear.
The reinstatement of India’s GSP benefits could also serve as the much-needed boost for US-India trade to capitalise on emergent opportunities.
The US needs Pakistan to withdraw from Afghanistan and Pakistan needs all the money it can get. Pakistan also dreads that if the US leaves without helping Pakistan get what it wants from the Indians now, which is a concession on Kashmir, they will never have another chance.
India has significant interests in the Persian Gulf region, but it appears to have dealt itself out of the game by tamely skewing its Middle East policy in favour of the informal US-Saudi Arabia-Israel coalition. Iran was given short shrift as New Delhi went along with Trump’s ‘maximum pressure’ policy on Iran. New Delhi’s motives may have been practical.
During the US President's visit to Asian countries, Obama and Abe underscored their commitment to economic and security cooperation with ASEAN countries where Chinese influence has seen a marked surge in recent years.
The US and Japan have decided to opt out of joining the AIIB though many important US allies like Germany, UK, Australia and South Korea have joined the China-led initiative. Strong business groups in Japan, however, worry that they might miss many investment opportunities which could now go to many developed Western countries.
For Japan, which is facing growing Chinese belligerence, combining capacities with the US with a new strategic intent may just be what it needs
B. Raman, former head of the counter-terrorism division of India's external intelligence agency, suggested that India should continue the peace process with Pakistan and should not get involved in this matter involving the US and Pakistan. He said New Delhi should not pressure Islamabad further in Pakistan's hour of 'humiliation'.
US-Pak relations are like high risk aerobatics. The plane nosedives, loops up, cruises at varying altitudes, takes a few spins and steadies.
The tripartite meeting between Afghanistan, Pakistan and the US representatives on August 2 took place against the backdrop of souring relationships, killing of Osama bin Laden and President Barak Obama's 2014 withdrawal plan.
The US-Pakistan deal is as simple as it can get: Pakistan will cooperate with the US to hunt Al Qaeda and in return the US will not annihilate the Taliban which serves Pakistani strategic interests in the region.
How nasty can the US get with Pakistan?
As the China challenge grows in the Pacific, the US looks to tether its Pacific strategy around the Philippines by strengthening their security ties
Violence is being used as a means to manipulate the trajectory of the Afghan peace process.
Although London’s actions on Hong Kong and Huawei suggest a renewed US-UK alignment against China, it also exacerbates Washington’s asymmetric pul
Vietnamese President Truong Tan Sang's recent visit to Washington crystallised cooperation on non-traditional security matters such as counter-terrorism, and enhancing maritime security, which will not raise red flags in Beijing. Significantly, the meeting avoided the more militaristic features of national security.
Few nations have been thrust more dramatically into limelight since those tragic 9/11 events than Pakistan. Prior to that date, Pakistan was isolated: perceived as a Taliban and Al Qaeda supporter, a military regime, and a failing state. Events of 9/11 brought it closer to a danger where, in the words of General Musharraf, ¿It could lose its strategic assets.¿
The recent protests in West Asia that started in Tunisia and now encompass the entire Arab world will have an impact on the regional balance of power equations. West Asia’s geographic location and its weight in the world energy market bestow on it an undeniable centrality that has also resulted in intensive interaction with external powers. Since it is at the heart of global energy security resources, West Asia has witnessed intense great powe
ORF, in association with ETH, Zurich, organized a five-day workshop on 'Abundant Energy', conducted by experts from Switzerland who are trying to spread the message that shortages in global energy can be solved by generating energies from sources which are abundantly available.
On September 17, 2001, six days after the terrorist strikes in the US, I had written an article under the above title which was carried the same day by the South Asia Analysis Group. Many of my observations made then remain as valid today as they were on 9/17.
During a discussion on the growth of militant groups in Pakistan and its effects on India, Jamiat-Ulama-i-Hind general secretary Maulana Mahmood Madani laid emphasis on retaining the ethos of Muslim Indians and warned against being co-opted and manipulated by foreign minds.
As India completes 76 years of achieving independence, its emergence as a pivotal development partner has kickstarted a gradual revolution in global d
