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সিনওয়ারের মৃত্যুতে হামাসের মেরুদণ্ড কি একেবারে ভেঙে গ�
इराणच्या शासकांनी असहमतीचे आवाज क्रूरपणे चिरडले आहेत. त�
याह्या सिनवारच्या मृत्यूने हमासचा कणा मोडला आहे का? होय. �
क्या याह्या सिनवार की मौत के साथ हमास की रीढ़ की हड्डी टूट
Has the backbone of Hamas broken with the death of Sinwar? Yes. Will this mean an end to resistance movements, both militant and political? Most likel
आखातातील वाढत्या तणावाच्या पार्श्वभूमीवर भारताने आपल्�
Amidst the rising tensions in the Middle East, India has upheld a degree of strategic ambiguity while considering its security interests in the area
हमासच्या पॉलिटीकल ब्युरोच्या प्रमुखाच्या हत्येमुळे हम�
The assassination of the head of Hamas’s political bureau raises critical questions about Hamas’s leadership, the Gaza conflict and potential esca
इब्राहिम रईसी यांच्या अकाली निधनानंतर इराण नवा राष्ट्र�
The next 50 days, while Iran prepares to elect a new President after the untimely death of Ebrahim Raisi, will be critical for Iranian politics
পশ্চিম এশিয়ায় আঞ্চলিক নিরাপত্তা এক অনিশ্চিত সন্ধিক্ষ
এতে কোনও সন্দেহ নেই যে, ইরানের নিরাপত্তা নীতি এখন প্রকাশ�
The ongoing Israel-Palestine crisis adds to the wider Israel-Iran rivalry, with Tehran’s vocal promotion of an “Axis of Resistance” that is draw
More than the inaction of the Iranian government, questions have been raised regarding the role of US sanctions in crippling Iran’s economy, infrast
The imposition of fresh sanctions on Iran jeopardises the Chabahar project. Not only do sanctions deter countries and companies from doing business wi
Without real reform, domestic turmoil is likely to continue and will afford opportunities to outside powers to meddle in the internal affairs of Iran.
If Rouhani is the middle, it is not wise to celebrate an attack against him. Not until, organically most if not all of Iran and not just Tehran like i
One of the foremost questions around Trump's victory has been in relation to the future of the Iran nuclear deal, one that the President-elect has cri
There is no doubt that Iranian security policy is now bent on laying out on the table and publicising its entire gamut of strategic and tactical playing cards for all to see
Though India has decided to cut down oil from Iran and thereby, for the time being, might have placated the US, it, however, cannot afford to ignore Iran either - for a myriad of reasons.
Regional security in West Asia stands at a precarious intersection.
Tehran has responded in a carefully structured, calibrated fashion to the resolution passed by the IAEA Board of Governors last Saturday regarding Iran's nuclear programme. We may not have heard the last word yet, but are quite close to it.
New Delhi, Tehran and Moscow could coordinate their efforts on Afghanistan as the US exits
US’ expected policy shift favouring Moscow aligns with its renewed focus on the Indo-Pacific.
The China-brokered Saudi Arabia-Iran deal puts the spotlight on New Delhi’s ties with Tehran
As Delhi focuses on managing Washington's pressure to reduce oil imports from Iran and avoid the imposition of unilateral U.S. economic sanctions on India, it could easily miss the unfolding power play in the Gulf between Tehran and Riyadh.
India's deepening engagement with the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council as well as Israel could also moderate New Delhi's diplomatic ties with Tehran. India-Iran relations were at their peak during then Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's visit to Tehran in 2001 and then Iranian President Mohammad Khatami's visit to India in 2003.
The Iran sanction waiver issue is just the latest manifestation of New Delhi’s rising challenge in managing ties with Tehran.
Delhi and Tehran must now sit down with the new government in Kabul to negotiate trilateral trade and transit agreements that will ensure an early realisation of all economic and strategic benefits that the Chabahar project promises.
Amid growing Saudi concerns about the shifting Middle East balance of power in favour of Iran, Pakistan is walking the tight rope between Riyadh, a close ally, and Tehran, an important neighbour.
Opening up to Iran would give the US some leverage over Tehran, while also ensuring that its current allies in West Asia do not take it for granted. Meanwhile, once Iranian oil flows into the market, oil and gas will get cheaper, and US companies will get more opportunities to invest in Iran.
Tehran is using the opportunity to send a strategic message to other powers in the region and beyond.
India must continue to remain politically engaged with Tehran despite its partnership plan with China
The unexpected good showing of the conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the former Mayor of Tehran, in the first round of the Iranian Presidental elections held on June 17, 2005, and his emergence in the No.2 position with 19.5 per cent of the valid votes polled as against 21 per cent for the favourite Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani throws open the possibility that in the second
Like Moscow and New Delhi, Riyadh and Islamabad are old allies. There are numerous issues which will ensure that closeness between New Delhi and Riyadh will not cause bilateral ties to spiral downward. If Riyadh gives up on Islamabad, the latter will move closer to Tehran, something the Saudis want to avoid.
New Iranian President Hassan Rouhani's emphasis on political moderation and ending Iran's isolation is drawing attention to the potential reconciliation between Tehran and some of its Arab Gulf neighbours. He has also raised hopes for a productive engagement between Tehran and the West.
From Iran's perspective, Israel breached a critical threshold by attacking its diplomatic mission, which Tehran deemed its sovereign territory
The opening of Iran will alter the geopolitics of south-western Asia. Even so, India needs to tread with care. But this should not in any way constrain our initiatives with Iran. We need to move beyond the phase of dithering that has characterised our ties with Tehran for the last decade.
इराण-इस्रायल यांच्यातील निराकरण न केलेले आणि संबोधित न केलेले गतिमान संबंध इतर कोणत्याही प्रादेशिक सामान्यीकरणास धोका असल्याचे जाणवत आहे.
