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Eminent Indian nuclear scientists have been expressing their concern about the contents and direction of the Indo-US nuclear deal signed last July. Strategic analysts, former diplomats, prominent politicians and knowledgeable commentators have repeatedly cautioned the government about the minefields ahead. Ought not the government pause and clear these doubts? There is little effort towards this end, and we all seem to be running blind.
Closer home, the Great Power Game will be played in the unstable fields of Ayatollahs' Iran, a Talibanised Afghanistan, whose leaders have their own world view, and a Sunni radicalised nuclearised Pakistan. The main contestants will be China and the US and our strategic planners may have to start planning for an uncertain future.
The excitement of the Board of Governor's meeting is over and the participants have not been slow to express their views at the outcome. The Iranians are defiant, the Americans triumphant, the Russians cautious, the Europeans smug, the Chinese inscrutable, the Arabs joyous at directing a new argument at Israel, the latter pleased over Iran's predicament yet angry over a dent in their nuclear ambiguity, and the Indians self-righteous.
Narendra Modi's emphasis on Vajpayee's foreign policy legacy is politically significant for a number of reasons. It has offered much-needed reassurance all around that India will not abandon its traditional nuclear restraint, continue to seek peace with neighbours and promote regional prosperity through the economic integration of the subcontinent.
The Russia-Ukraine war has confounded observers, as much as it did the Russians themselves. Since erupting in late February, the war has not shown signs of abating any time soon. This brief argues that by its very nature, the war has lessons not just for the adversaries, but also the NATO alliance that is backing Ukraine, and even geographically distant China and India. For one, the war has both elements of the old eras—such as the mass
The strong showing of the six religious party¿s alliance, Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) in the October 2002 general elections in Pakistan has led to apprehensions among the tribe of Pakistan watchers worldwide about the inexorable slide of a nuclear-armed Pakistan towards ¿talibanisation¿.
Looking at a decade of India-Bangladesh partnership
Sharp accretion of Chinese capabilities has implications for India
Sustaining it requires facing up to today’s political realities such as the growing rivalries in a multipolar nuclear world
With the risks for escalation and miscalculations growing in the Ukraine war, it is time to revisit the sobering lessons of 1962
This is a partnership that has been forged amid common challenges and shared strategic objectives
Once the US successfully built and used nuclear weapons to devastating effect to end the Second World War, other great powers of the time realized that the acquisition of nuclear weapons was essential to maintain their status. In 1970, after three decades of hectic developments,
The first part of this effort documented the various acts of omission and commission by the non-proliferation ayatollahs that led to the 1998 nuclear weapons testing of India, followed by Pakistan. However, the stark reality of the consequences of the dubious policies adopted by the NPAs towards Pakistani and Chinese proliferation came to light recently in the exposé of the Pakistan¿s ¿nuclear father¿ Dr.A.Q.Khan and his nuclear smuggling rin
United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to be complimented for her candour. Her press conference in Moscow with Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov unavoidably focussed on Iran's nuclear plans and Mr. Lavrov said Iran had the right under the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) to the nuclear fuel cycle. Dr. Rice said, "this is not a question of rights but whether or not the fuel cycle can be trusted in Iran."
While the supreme leader is there for life (or till he chooses to retire), the president is limited to two four-year terms, defining where the balance of power rests between them
While the Trump administration is in no mood to relent on its decision to pull out of the Iran nuclear deal, for India, the challenge is to preserve its own equities in Iran and the wider West Asian region.
It’s time for greater efforts to confront this challenge.
A gradual development has tasked think tanks with the responsibility of shaping contemporary narratives around economics, security, politics, nuclear arrangements, among others.
The US must consider giving nuclear no-first-use assurance to North Korea in return for non-use and no further missile or nuclear tests
The tide of the war has turned against Moscow. But the Russian president and his close advisers do not acknowledge that reality and have resorted to nuclear sabre rattling
Láffaire Snowden, the Moscow CIA station chief's name being published by Russia; tit-for-tat lists of alleged human rights violators released by the two countries; Syria, Iran, Ballistic Missile Defence, nuclear arms reductions—these are the issues concerning US-Russia relations that have dominated the headlines in the last few weeks. It would appear that the Cold War is upon us again! However, seen from another perspective, there are some sig
The US has subjected Pakistan to a unilateral sanctions regime at several crucial junctures in the history of their bilateral ties. Though the reasons for cutting off economic and military aid to Pakistan have been contingent on strategic exigencies prevalent at different points in time and therefore not singular, countering Pakistan’s nuclear ambitions has been a recurring theme. It is widely believed that these sanctions have not been able to
The United States-India relations reached a high point when the two countries signed the Civil Nuclear Agreement in 2005. But since then, relations between the two countries have drifted. Both the countries must move ahead to build trust and cooperation in other areas.
With the nuclear deal over, New Delhi and Washington need another big idea to power the bilateral relationship over the next several years. Space cooperation has the potential for being that next big idea.
From testing nuclear weapons to pursuing peace with Pakistan and China, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was clear-headed about his about his security and foreign policies from the outset.
The debate about Iran's quest for nuclear energy is wholly enmeshed in the politics of US-Iran relationship. Iran is a signatory to the NPT and its additional protocol. It has obligations; it has rights. The focus of the west is on obligations, of Iran on rights. The North-South divide is reflected in the board of governors of the IAEA, with Russia and China supportive of the non-aligned who apprehend, as Washington Post put it,
The two powers have a common aim of undermining America’s hold on West Asian security but have also built their circles of influence
Fixing manufacturing and acquisitions alone will not work. Nirmala Sitharaman needs to urgently tackle the need to reorganise India’s sprawling military to make them an effective fighting unit for 21st century warfare, where challenges range from nuclear armed adversaries to proxy jihadis.
Everybody agrees that these weapons are enormously destructive and should not be used but the ministers ''personal opinion" has just outdone everything
Drumbeats on Pakistan¿s nuclear black-marketing are getting louder. The international community (read Washington) is alarmed and worried at the rapidly accumulating pile of evidence against Pakistan¿s top nuclear scientist, Dr AQ Khan, and a few of his associates for selling nuclear technology and materials to nations that are considered "rogue". (China is not the target yet and hence do not qualify to be a rogue despite overwhelming evidence).
For Trump, any amplified war with Iran will stand against his promises of not dragging the US into wars in faraway lands.
The last multilateral negotiations in the field of nuclear disarmament took place more than 20 years ago, resulting in the long awaited Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). The treaty, however, has yet to enter into force. India is often held responsible for such uncertainty, in spite of having withdrawn from the negotiations before it was even concluded; at other times, it is the US which is blamed for failing to ratify the CTBT—giving reason
The allegation of Indian expansion of its uranium enrichment facilities is based on a report released by IHS Jane's, which has already been dismissed by both the US and the Indian governments as speculative. Indeed, the IHS Jane's report merely identifies a "possible" new uranium hexafluoride plant.
India must ascertain if the US has a plan for Pak, and what it is
The 9th India-Japan bilateral is taking place in New Delhi this week-end. PM Abe is reaching Delhi on December 11. Two of the main issues that need to be resolved to take the partnership to new heights are the civil nuclear agreement and the supply of Japan's indigenously made US2 amphibious aircraft to India. Will Abe and Modi be able to achieve this?
As Xi and Modi meet in first Ahmedabad and then in New Delhi, India has political and strategic issues that it will want China to respond to - the contested border and territorial issues, China-Pakistan cooperation on nuclear, missile, maritime and border infrastructure issues.
क्षेपणास्त्राच्या संदर्भातील भारताची भूमिका निश्चितपणे विकासात्मक आहे. प्रमुख अणु वस्त्र केंद्रित बॅलेस्टिक क्षेपणास्त्र त्यांच्या पारंपरिक प्रतिकार शक्तीला पुढे �
खरा प्रश्न असा आहे की, आज अधिकृतरित्या नऊ देशांकडे अण्वस्त्रे असतानाही जग भविष्यातील अणुयुद्ध टाळण्यात यशस्वी का झाले आहे?
केवळ राष्ट्रहित, स्वसंरक्षण या एवढ्याच मर्यादित उद्दिष्टांसाठी भारत अण्वस्त्रधारी राष्ट्र बनले, हाच भारताच्या ‘एनएफयू’ धोरणाचा गाभा राहिला.
पिछले दिनों यूक्रेन के मसले पर डोनाल्ड ट्रंप और वोलोडिमिर जेलेंस्की के बीच हुई तीखी नोंकझोक के बाद अमेरिका और यूरोपीय देशों के बीच तनाव बढ़ गया है. लेकिन क्या इस तनाव से वै�
रेव्हकॉन अशा वेळी घडते जेव्हा आंतरराष्ट्रीय सुरक्षेचा संदर्भ अप्रत्याशित असतो आणि निरस्त्रीकरणाच्या मार्गासाठी अर्थपूर्ण संवाद आणि त्यानंतरच्या योजनांच्या अंमलबजा
इंडो-पॅसिफिकमधील गुंतागुंतीच्या आणि अनिश्चित वातावरणातील आव्हाने आणि जोखमींसह पाकिस्तान आणि चीनची आण्विक क्षमता 1998 मध्ये पोखरण II चाचण्यांद्वारे भारताच्या दूरदृष्टीच�
इराण अणुभंग झालेला असताना पश्चिम आशिया आणि अमेरिकेतील बायडेन यांच्या बाजूने खरोखर आहे का?
इराण-इस्रायल यांच्यातील निराकरण न केलेले आणि संबोधित न केलेले गतिमान संबंध इतर कोणत्याही प्रादेशिक सामान्यीकरणास धोका असल्याचे जाणवत आहे.
इराणसोबतच्या अणुकरारातून अमेरिका बाहेर पडल्याने आंतरराष्ट्रीय व्यापारात इराणची मजबूत गोची झाली आहे. युरोप, चीनची सहानुभूतीही इराणला पुरेशी ठरणारी नाही.
उत्तर आणि दक्षिण कोरियाच्या अण्वस्त्रस्पर्धेमुळे उपखंडात तणावाचे वातावरण असून, यासंदर्भातील अमेरिकेची भूमिका महत्त्वाची ठरणार आहे.
सध्याच्या साथरोगासारखी अत्यंत टोकाची तणावग्रस्त परिस्थिती उद्भवली, तर आण्विक प्रकल्पामधील अंतर्गत धोके आणखी गंभीर होण्याची शक्यता असते.
यूक्रेन युद्ध में अपनी सेना को पीछे करने के बाद पुतिन ने अपनी रणनीति क्यों बदलाव किया है. पुतिन का आंशिक सैन्य लामबंदी क्या है. क्या यूक्रेन जंग एक खतरनाक मोड़ पर पहुंच �