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The urgency of  Sharif’s recent visit to China highlights Islamabad’s increasing dependence on China amid a deepening debt crisis and growing int

आंतरराष्ट्रीय पातळीवरचे एकटेपण सोडण्यासाठी आणि नवीन दे

Desperate to get around international isolation and seeking to co-opt new ‘friendly states’, Moscow seems ready to make allowance for the region�

ইটের বদলে পাটকেল ছোড়ার মনোভাব বজায় থাকলেও ইরান বা পাকিস্

দুই পক্ষের স্বাভাবিক অবস্থানে প্রত্যাবর্তন উভয় পক্ষের

इराण आणि पाकिस्तान यांनी 'जशास तसं' करून दाखवण्याची शक्य�

उम्मीद तो यही है कि ईरान और पाकिस्तान ने एक दूसरे पर जो हम�

Chances are that the tit-for-tat exchange between Iran and Pakistan will not escalate; neither side wants nor can afford an open conflict

To counter Islamabad’s determined push to stir up trouble in the Kashmir Valley, India will have to formulate a new counter-terrorism strategy that

अफ़ग़ानिस्तान को लेकर पाकिस्तान का रणनीतिक आकलन उल्टा प�

पाकिस्तान के नए वज़ीर-ए-आज़म शहबाज़ शरीफ़ के लिए सबसे बड़�

इमरान ख़ान के Islamabad long march के नतीजों को लेकर कोई भी आश्वस्त नह�

Pakistan's persistent anti-India stance and unreliable dialogue offers from the civilian leadership in Islamabad have rendered the relationship insign

इमरान ख़ान के Islamabad long march के नतीजों को लेकर कोई भी आश्वस्त नह�

Though nobody is sure what will be the outcome of the march to Islamabad, it is clear that Pakistan is in for a period of continued instability

Pakistan’s strategic calculations in Afghanistan have backfired, leaving it entangled in the complexities of the South Asian geopolitics.

With the upcoming No-Confidence vote, Pakistan finds itself further embroiled in political and economic uncertainties.

Islamabad’s inability to control elements in both Afghanistan and Pakistan is proving to be a major hurdle in the execution of the CPEC project.

If earlier the army would sabotage things, this time the civilians have done so.

The Beijing-Islamabad bonhomie is a given fact for making strategic calculations in the subcontinent.

The political-intellectual discourse of the region had over the years evolved a historical disconnect with Kashmir — somewhat inherent, some enginee

The Supreme Court's decision has given a huge jolt to the fragile democratic system. And, Sharif's political legacy is lying in tatters.

The September 29 strike was different in a significant way that not only did the Narendra Modi government own it, but also publicised it.

The explosion in the midst of a Shia congregation at a shrine in Islamabad on May 27,2005, which resulted in the death of 25 Shias and injuries to about 80 others has been attributed by the local police to an unidentified suicide bomber. No organisation has so far claimed responsibility for the blast,

With surgical strikes becoming a tactical success the real triumph will be in achieving a strategic shift in Islamabad

Now that BJP PM candidate Narendra Modi is approaching what could possibly be the pinnacle of his career, the last thing he wants is to box himself in by his own rhetoric. It is for this reason that in his Haryana speech, he also invoked Atal Bihari Vajpayee's policy, which used the Kargil crisis to get the world community to pin down Pakistan on avoiding the use of violence in relation to Kashmir.

It has been a few weeks since the ¿momentous¿ Islamabad declaration by Indian PM Vajpayee and Pakistani leader Gen.Musharraf. The full effects of the declaration may not be known for a few months at least, but there have been enough clues coming out of South Asia for prognosticators to decipher. But first one must look at the declaration itself.

By delineating bilateral relations from the larger SAARC format, and at the same time taking them up after the Islamabad summit had addressed major agendas, India and Pakistan have done well for themselves and for the region ¿ without continuing to hold one the hostage of the other.

Like Moscow and New Delhi, Riyadh and Islamabad are old allies. There are numerous issues which will ensure that closeness between New Delhi and Riyadh will not cause bilateral ties to spiral downward. If Riyadh gives up on Islamabad, the latter will move closer to Tehran, something the Saudis want to avoid.

Facts on the ground suggest that Army Chief, Qamar Javed Bajwa, and his army are interested only in the formal trappings of democracy.

While Russia is aware of Islamabad's role in fomenting international terrorism, it realises that any successful resolution of the problems associated with Afghanistan must involve Pakistan. A cancelled presidential visit cannot change the relevance of this, or of Russia's goal, in enhancing ties with Pakistan.

This return to business as usual is reflective of the wariness on both sides to escalate the crisis further and prevent it from metastasising into a new front of conflict.

Call it a game of good-cop-and-bad-cop being played out by President Musharaff and Prime Minister Jamali, yet Pakistan¿s willingness to ¿keep aside¿ the UN resolution on plebiscite in Kashmir should come as a welcome turn, if not relief, for India, and all those hoping for permanent peace in South Asia.

If Nawaz Sharif really believes that Islamic insurgency has no role to play in Indo-Pakistan relations henceforth, he should enforce immediate control and effectively neutralise LeT and its parallel organisation, the Jamat-ud-Dawa.

For Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, the foremost challenge will be to handle the economic crisis and keeping the political alliance intact. The incoming government will face a strong opposition from Imran Khan and his PTI, who are masters at street campaigning

Delhi must bite the bullet and make the political case for moving forward boldly with Islamabad and Dhaka. Nothing will demonstrate India's commitment to transforming its relations with its neighbours more than an early visit to Pakistan by the Prime Minister.

By announcing the American decision to ¿nominate¿ Pakistan as a ¿major non-NATO ally¿, US Secretary of State Colin Powell may have done a calculated disservice to the ongoing peace process between Islamabad and New Delhi. His reference to greater military-to-military cooperation with Islamabad may have stirred,

The synchronised protest marches undertaken by Imran Khan, the chairman of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and cleric Tahir-ul Qadri, chairman of the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT), culminated in a combined sit-in outside the Parliament building in Islamabad.

As already pointed out in our earlier articles on this subject, the unrest is, inter alia, due to anger over the suppression of the nationalist aspirations of the Balochs by the Government in Islamabad,

Pakistani authorities will make cosmetic changes of incumbents handling crucial matters, rope in foreign ambassadors, diplomats, military attaches and foreign media based in Islamabad.

Sino-Indian ties have been going downhill for the last few years. At the BRICS summit, India sought to re-engage Russia more substantively.

The challenge is to enable Islamabad to make a soft-landing rather than a crash that can have unpredictable consequences.

The Observer Research Foundation, in partnership with the Center for Contemporary Conflict (CCC), Naval Post-graduate School, California, USA, and the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI), Pakistan undertook a project, Crisis and Escalation in South Asia: The 2002 India-Pakistan Military Standoff....

History is all set to repeat itself in the subcontinent. As usual, the search for a permanent thaw in the India-Pakistan relationship seems to be hitting a big bump in the days ahead that might possibly derail the bilateral negotiation process initiated during the Islamabad SAARC Summit in January this year.