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The outcome of the Third Plenary meeting of the 18th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China which ended on Wednesday in Beijing is like a typical iceberg -- you see some of it above the water, but most of it is below. The leadership knows well that if reforms of the financial sector and of creating a legal governance regime are delayed, the economic miracle could well turn into a nightmare.

The bottom line assessment of the third Plenum of the 18th CCCPC is that the Plenum outcome keeps Chinese economic and political developments on an evolutionary path, rather than a revolutionary one. In other words, it has sought to tweak policies, rather than offer up a radical menu.

As two great civilizations and influential Asian powers, India and China share common responsibilities to ensure peace and stability in the region and the world at large.

This could trigger a dramatic shift in the Chinese economy

As India redefines its priorities vis-a-vis China, its policymakers will have to be bolder in articulating the need for robust partnerships

In the last five years, Xi has established unprecedented control over the party and the government. But this also means his mistakes and missteps have been magnified.

Xi Jinping has a keen understanding of the importance of reform. This is likely to serve him well.

Taiwan’s civil society has hit the streets to register their displeasure against what they perceive as Beijing’s moves to get a backdoor entry into Taiwan’s democratic process.

There were expectations that the plenum would take up the burning economic issue, but it seems that the CPC is now focused on shoring up internal unity.

The Fourth Plenum of the CPCCC discussed at length a rather unusual theme -- the "Rule of Law", a sensitive topic. This has led to many speculations. Is China looking at a totally independent judiciary? What would be the red lines for the legal system? And what are the real motives for such a move?

Since the assumption of Xi Jinping to the post of General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2013, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has undergone numerous changes, both in its modernisation and organisation, that are meant to ensure that the PLA forces will be battle-ready. The modernisation aims for the PLA to acquire the latest technology and logistics for quick and decisive victories in any theatre of battle. This brief exa

Since the assumption of Xi Jinping to the post of General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2013, the People’s Liberation Army has undergone numerous changes, both in its modernisation and organisation, that are meant to ensure that the PLA forces will be battle-ready. The modernisation aims for the PLA to acquire the latest technology and logistics that can lead the military to quick and decisive victories in any theatre of ba

China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has undergone many changes since Xi Jinping became general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2013. Efforts at modernising the PLA have been conducted in earnest for the past 10 years through the overhaul of the organisation and the introduction of latest technologies to make it battle-ready. This paper describes these capability-related and institutional changes in China’s military, wh

Since Xi Jinping became general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2013, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has witnessed an accelerated modernisation drive. Following the 2015-16 organisational reforms, the CPC further standardised its services-level force structure and upgraded its military doctrine, combat capabilities, and weapons systems. This report analyses recent improvements in the structure, including the creation of t

The Chinese are now seeking to finesse a situation where their continued economic growth requires them to open up their service and financial sectors in the world, while preventing their adversaries from using this to undermine the CPC control of China.

The CPCB has yet to submit the report due on January 11, 2017, on the air pollution impact.

Taking more and more titles and power may actually be a sign that Xi Jinping is not being able push through his policies in the way he wants.

The hyper-globalisation processes that built China’s industrial might also caused enormous political churn.

Given the need to prioritise growth in the developing world, the goals must be 'development-climate compatible,' not, 'climate-development compatible', according to Dr. Youba Sokona, coordinator, African Climate Policy Centre (ACPC) based in the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.

When Xi took over as general secretary of Communist Party in 2012, western media portrayed him as a ‘compromise candidate’ with little qualification to run China.

The New Year of 2022 has come with intriguing messages from China, not in the least for India.

What the amendments to the Constitution by the National People's Congress have done is to tighten the Communist Party's grip over the governmental system in a seemingly legal fashion.

Assumptions are a necessary part of statecraft and military planning. However, there are dangers in making incorrect presuppositions, especially those related to social, cultural or quasi-cultural aspects of an adversary that are then predicted to have an impact on military-political outcomes. This paper examines some of the most common political-military assumptions about the Chinese People’s Liberation Army that are inherently problematic, as

The recently concluded 19th Party Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) brought the world’s attention to the future direction of the CPC. As the proceedings of the Party Congress revealed, sustaining the legitimacy of the CPC’s hold on power is an overriding concern for the country’s political leaders. The Party Congress addressed the corruption plaguing the CPC and the Chinese state writ large, which has deep, long-term consequen

The 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in October 2022 and the subsequent leadership reshuffle gave a new mandate to a ruling elite that will sit at the helm till 2027. It happened at a time when the CPC is facing strong headwinds, among them a tech war with the United States (US) and a downturn in the domestic economy as a result of President Xi Jinping’s ‘zero-COVID-19’ policy. The CPC saw the protests that ensued a

Xi seems to have overplayed his hand, leading to a significant realignment, resulting in a pushback at a time when his governance style has come under scrutiny

Various explanations have been proffered for Chinese President Xi Jinping’s renewed emphasis on ideology. The popular narratives attribute it to either Xi’s power ambitions, or a reaction rooted in his personal trauma during the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s. Meanwhile, an alternative discourse projects the rise of ideology politics as a response to a possible legitimacy crisis facing the Communist Party of China (CPC). This paper weighs i

When China set up the ‘Big Fund’ in 2014, its mandate to companies was chip-making rather than the development of a self-reliant industry based on R&D. This strategy has left gaps in China that the US is now intending to exploit through its new rules. It has introduced a sweeping set of export controls that will make it more difficult for Chinese companies to develop cutting-edge technologies, especially semiconductors.

The breakdown of high-level communications worrying

The Congress ended with the insertion of the ‘Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era’ into the Party constitution, confirming Xi as the most powerful Chinese leader since Deng Xiaoping.

As the rest of the world is opening up, China’s zero-Covid policy and new outbreaks are proving to be a headache for the country.

Xi Jinping has outlined what the new thrust of the CPC will be.

New Delhi has no choice but to deftly manage Sino-Indian relations.

China’s military overhaul is also connected to its ambition to elbow out the United States as a global power

चीनने जारी केलेल्या डेटावर जागतिक संशयाच्या दरम्यान कोविडला पराभूत केल्याचा दावा केला आहे.

चीनची कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी आणि केंद्रीय संस्थांच्या फेररचनेवर चीनच्या उच्चभ्रू वर्तुळात चर्चा सुरू आहे. या दोन्ही संस्था कोविड नंतरच्या काळातील आव्हानांना सामोऱ्या जाण�

२०१४ मध्ये जेव्हा चीनने ‘बिग फंड’ ची स्थापना केली, तेव्हा संशोधन आणि विकासावर आधारित स्वावलंबी उद्योगाच्या विकासाऐवजी, चिप बनवण्याचा आदेश चिनी अधिकाऱ्यांनी कंपनीला दि�

शी जिनपिंग यांनी स्वीकारलेला प्रो-नेतालिस्ट दृष्टिकोन असूनही, चीनमध्ये लोकसंख्येचा कल कमी होत चालला आहे.

शी त्यांच्या तिसर्‍या कार्यकाळात प्रवेश करत असताना, 'नवीन युगा'च्या उद्दिष्टांच्या अनुषंगाने धोरणात्मक मार्गात बदल होण्याची अपेक्षा आहे.

चीनचे मूल्यांकन अन्यथा सांगूनही भारताने आपल्या सीमेवर चीनच्या उपस्थितीबद्दल सावध राहिले पाहिजे.

चीन के नवसंभ्रांत वर्ग में अब इस बात को लेकर विचार-विमर्श होने लगा है कि कैसे सीपीसी तथा सरकारी संस्थाओं का पुनर्गठन कर इन्हें कोविड के बाद के दौर में उत्तरदायी बनाया जा सक�

शी जिनपिंग यांची एकूण कामगिरी संमिश्र असून शकते. मात्र लष्कर आणि सुरक्षा यंत्रणांमध्ये व्यापक सुधारणा करणे हे त्यांचे सर्वांत मोठे यश आहे.

हरित संक्रमणाला चालना देण्यासाठी चीनने नवीन योजना आणल्या आहेत आणि कमी-कार्बन विकासात लक्षणीय प्रगती केली आहे.