Search

Economic ties between India and Russia have remained the weakest link in their bilateral relationship since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Both countries have set out to correct this in the past two years, making efforts to diversify their relationship beyond the defence and energy sectors as they navigate a changing world order. This brief analyses the developments in India-Russia relations since the May 2018 Sochi informal summit and the 201

India’s relations with Russia have made little progress since they got stalled following the end of the Cold War. Today their bilateral ties—officially labelled “special and privileged strategic partnership”—focus heavily on defence cooperation, while the economic partnership remains listless even as the respective relations of the two with other states have grown rapidly. This paper analyses the ebbs and flows of India-Russia relations

New Delhi’s relations with Moscow continue to be good, but the long-term prognosis is complicated, especially by China.

Russian enmity with China had global consequences; so does their close friendship today. Both scenarios have an impact on India. Russia has been a long-time friend of India; it not only provided India arms to maintain formidable military profile, but also gave invaluable political support on a variety of regional issues. Transfer of military technology has been a key part of the Russian-Chinese relationship, both old & new.

India’s interest could be more than economic, spilling over into the domain of strategy.

The uncertainty and possible further disruptions in the defense supply chain out of Russia could accelerate India’s diversification and indigenization efforts.

Delhi wants to remain an Eurasian power, swinging between East and West according to its priorities. Its military ties with Moscow. The economic importance of Beijing. America as a strategic counterweight – as long as it works.

This paper explains Russian co-option of India into the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) at a high level of participation in September 2019 and the range of agreements involved. It argues that the co-option was the result of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s dissatisfaction with the economic outcomes so far for the Russian Far East of “northeast Asian regional cooperation.” Moscow related this behaviour to skewed priorities of East Asia’s �

Under its International Terrorism Watch Project, the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) organised a one-day Workshop at New Delhi on October 20, 2004, on the theme: "Recent Intelligence Failures in the USA, the UK & Russia: Their Lessons for India".

Russia will wait and watch to see the impact of winter on Western public opinion, and Ukraine is counting on its battlefield gains to secure a lasting momentum. That the West is getting restless about Ukraine's position is evident from the backchannel negotiations between the US and Russian officials.

Peace talks between Japan and Russia have remained at halt ever since the World War II.

From the beginning of the 21st century, India's foreign policy got a strategic orientation. Until then, it lacked coherence due to the absence of an overall plan or document stating the foreign policy objectives, says Professor Takenori Horimoto of The Open University of Japan.

Kerry's Russia visit signals Washington reaching out to Moscow and is the first sign towards normalising the US-Russia relationship. However, it will be prudent to say nothing more than that for now.

No amount of advanced technology can compensate for low morale and training, weak command, poor tactics and strategy

A nightmare scenario facing the world today is that of nuclear weapons in the possession of terrorists. As US President George Bush remarked during his recent UK trip, ¿the greatest threat of our age is nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons in the hands of terrorists.¿ Terrorist groups, as they have proved time and again in the past with conventional weapons

What is the trajectory of Indo-Russian relations in the evolving world order?

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev added some flair to the normally staid Indo-Russian diplomatic engagements by visiting the Taj Mahal and "rekindling Russia's Bollywood love affair" with a trip to a film studio in Mumbai.

Earlier this month, India and Russia took stock of the bilateral relationship in a range of sectors, including civil nuclear, trade and investments.

The Ukraine war has, if anything, added to the impetus for bringing India closer to the Nordic region.

The expected meeting has seen a focus on what both sides could agree to on the defense side.

While India was part of the Moscow Format talks, it’s also a member of the new Middle East Quad.

BRICS and SCO are two key non-Western multilateral platforms where India and Russia cooperate closely. In the past decade, both these countries have seen shifts in their foreign policies, which has also impacted their approach towards multilateralism. At the same time, BRICS and SCO have also seen their initial agendas widen to include a greater engagement with regional and global issues, including the creation of a multipolar world order. Along

Moscow’s relations with the collective West have fragmented, improving Russia’s relations with the non-western powers that include nations considered pariah states by the West

The most significant challenge for the world though is the nuclear sabre-rattling that Russia’s top leadership is engaged in.

नाटो ने भी पुतिन को ललकारा है. NATO का कहना है कि वह एक इंच जमीन भी रूस के पास नहीं रहने देगा. इसके लिए चाहे जिस स्‍तर पर जाना पड़ा. ऐसे में सवाल है कि क्‍या इस युद्ध का रास्‍ता परमा

One of the collaterals of the 2G verdict of the Supreme Court, which saw the revocation of 21 of Sistema Shyam Telecom?s 22 licenses, could be the flickering and faint Russian Interest in Indian business opportunity.

Noting that BRICS have a significant future, Duma Chairman Sergey Naryshkin has highlighted the need to democratise BRICS as much as possible and to promote the parliamentary dimension of the structure.

The next Russian nuclear reactor plant is likely to come up in Andhra Pradesh, according to Russian Consul-General at Chennai Sergei Kotov. Initiating a discussion on "President Putin's Visit and India-Russia Relations" at ORF Chennai Chapter on January 3, Kotov confirmed that the next plant will not be constructed in Tamil Nadu.

In the end, every great power will have to accept the spheres of influence or "special interest zones" of other powers so that there are no clashes in interests. The world will have to adjust to polycentricism and to big powers occasionally rubbing against each other, even if there are no hot conflicts.

The third meeting of ORF's Indo-Russian dialogue was held in Moscow on 5 - 6 October 2009. India's Russian partner in this dialogue is the Russkiy Mir Foundation headed by Mr. Vyacheslav Nikonov who is also President of the Unity for Russia Foundation.

The First Meeting of the ORF-Russia non-official Dialogue jointly organised by ORF and two Russian NGOs, Public Chamber of the Russian Federation and the Polity Foundation was held in Moscow in October 2007.

Throughout the Cold War - and afterwards - Russia's relations with Pakistan remained almost non-existent. However, with the United States and NATO pulling out its troops from Afghanistan in 2013,

Though India and China failed to resolve the issue of the stapled visa for those hailing from Arunachal Pradesh, there was substantial progress in other areas. The memorandum of understanding speaks about nine deals signed during the visit of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.

Russia is considering supplying Hydrocarbons to India through pipelines and both countries have commissioned joint study groups to analyse the feasibility of the project.

Russia recently witnessed the re-election of its long-serving president. A constitutionally mandated term limit suggests this would be Vladimir Putin’s last presidential term. As Russia enters a period of power transition, it is likely that a number of political actors will become relevant during this phase. This brief looks at the groups that form the opposition—those operating within the formal institutions and the major players outside it�

The Indian President's presence at the 70th anniversary of the Allied victory in World War II in Russia on May 9 is in part about extending New Delhi's solidarity with Moscow at a time when many Western leaders have decided not to show up in protest against Russian President Vladimir Putin's policy in Ukraine.

While Moscow's core demands remain unchanged, its secondary demands have evolved. Among other things, it no longer objects to Ukraine joining the EU.

Pressure that both sides face from the United States and the West gives their partnership new depth.

There are clear differences between India and the rest of the Quad, but it is also evident they are willing to work together to resolve those differences.

South Asia's foreign policy calculus is increasingly complex as Russia steps up to vie for power with the US

Lasting solution is complex as there is a contradiction in the perception each side has of security