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India will not politically prefer Russia to the US — rather it must learn to work with both. In the Indo-Pacific, India’s equities lie with Washin
Russia saw BRICS as an anti-Western grouping and it can be said that this Russian BRICS-view still persists. The main problem with this position is that BRICS was not crafted to be a foreign policy vehicle.
Despite sharing a close historical relationship based on the Soviet Union’s support during the 1971 Liberation War, Bangladesh had for long been out of the scope of Russia’s foreign policy priorities. This is best exemplified by the fact that no Soviet/Russian foreign minister had visited the country until September 2023. However, amid Western sanctions due to its war in Ukraine and tensions with the US, Russia is seeking to reinvigorate ties
The Sino-Russian biotechnology collaboration, augmented by its strategic focus on pharmaceuticals and economic growth, has called for a global concern
There are growing tensions in New Delhi’s engagement within this arrangement and its other alignments.
The stagnation in US-Russia relations does not augur well for New Delhi's strategic interests. It's a throwback to the Cold War, when India had to choose between the two countries
For Africa, the Russo-Ukrainian crisis remains a sensitive issue due to significant economic dependence on Russia
This report is the text of a presentation made at a seminar on ’Military-technical Cooperation between Russia and India: Status and Perspectives for Cooperation’, organised jointly by Observer Research Foundation and Unity for Russia Foundation, on October 5-7, 2007 in Moscow.
As Russia repositions itself as an Asian power, it has a unique role to play in the region.
Russia views India’s burgeoning role in Eurasia with optimism, both politically and economically and recognises its potential to fortify its trade a
Indian envoy to Russia, Ambassador D. Bala Venkatesh Varma, discusses Indo-Russia ties and the recently concluded Modi-Putin Summit in Vladivostok. Th
Re-kindling “the special and privileged nature” of the strategic partnership of India and Russia at BRICS
While India and Russia are maintaining close ties, it is hard to expect any makeover of the relationship
In his meeting with Rogozin in August, PM Modi described Russia as ''a time-tested and reliable friend.''
It has never been a better time and never before has India come with this much strength to the negotiating table. In the end, reaffirmation and recalibration of Russia' role in India's future was prominent and the short and successful summit was capped by perhaps another nuclear submarine for India and a doctorate for Prime Minister Singh.
No country is as well-positioned as India in mediating between Russia and US, and bringing the Ukraine conflict to an end
Through its actions in Ukraine, Russia has challenged the global order in fundamental ways and India’s foreign policy won’t be immune from its reverberations
Proximity changes the priorities for India in a conflict on the doorstep.
The Indian public sphere is unlikely to engage comprehensively with the happenings in the run up to the Russian presidential elections. On the other hand, the Indian establishment will keenly follow political developments in Russia as the importance of the election outcome.
India will be there at the G-7 to remind the West once again that it is playing an important role in the global oil market.
If Putin and Manmohan Singh want to capture some of the magic of the past, it is imperative to look beyond government-to-government ties and engage the private sector as well as civil society. The India-Russia relationship is not only about defence or nuclear issues but about people.
Both India and Russia need to start thinking strategically about the Central Asian region, not letting emotions guide their foreign policy decisions. This was the consensus reached at a conference organised recently in Delhi.
Apart from dispelling the sense of drift, Putin’s visit was a clear signal of the commitment to a multipolar global order and reinforced strategic balance as an enduring factor in ties
As hard-boiled realists, Modi and Putin must acknowledge the new dynamic around them, find ways to limit its impact on the bilateral relationship and move quickly towards expanding the scope of their commercial ties and revitalising their cooperation in energy, defence and high-technology sectors.
During Prime Minister Manmohan Singh¿s early-December 2005 visit to Moscow, India and Russia signed landmark agreements to further cement their defence cooperation that dates back to almost half a century. These include an agreement on the defence of intellectual property rights that prevents either side from using technologies received from the other without special permission, joint construction of a multi-purpose transport plane
India-Russia defence relations have already become mature which normally comes in alliance politics like anglo-saxon model or very special relationship like US-Israel. Very few parallel example can be found in case of other countries like the ones that Russia has developed with India.
Despite the kind words, emergency cooperation, and the defence relationship, there are longer term difficulties in the India-Russia relationship that are unlikely to be easy to resolve.
Economic ties were the cornerstone of Indo-Soviet relations. Even the 1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, which was essentially of a political-security nature, stressed upon “economic, scientific and technological cooperation”.[1] Although the India-Russia ties in general survived the upheavals of the early 1990s, economic relations began to cool in the post-Soviet period. Despite many ambitious targets set during various
