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One of the collaterals of the 2G verdict of the Supreme Court, which saw the revocation of 21 of Sistema Shyam Telecom?s 22 licenses, could be the flickering and faint Russian Interest in Indian business opportunity.
Noting that BRICS have a significant future, Duma Chairman Sergey Naryshkin has highlighted the need to democratise BRICS as much as possible and to promote the parliamentary dimension of the structure.
Neither Turkey nor Russia is abiding by the ceasefire deal in Idlib.
The next Russian nuclear reactor plant is likely to come up in Andhra Pradesh, according to Russian Consul-General at Chennai Sergei Kotov. Initiating a discussion on "President Putin's Visit and India-Russia Relations" at ORF Chennai Chapter on January 3, Kotov confirmed that the next plant will not be constructed in Tamil Nadu.
Should India condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as it threatens the global order or should it continue to factor in its core interests?
In the end, every great power will have to accept the spheres of influence or "special interest zones" of other powers so that there are no clashes in interests. The world will have to adjust to polycentricism and to big powers occasionally rubbing against each other, even if there are no hot conflicts.
The Sino-Russian bilateral signifies China’s urgency for resilient global energy supply chains to meet its increasing energy needs through its oil-f
The US has remained committed to providing assistance to Ukraine while being cautious enough not to get dragged into the conflict
The third meeting of ORF's Indo-Russian dialogue was held in Moscow on 5 - 6 October 2009. India's Russian partner in this dialogue is the Russkiy Mir Foundation headed by Mr. Vyacheslav Nikonov who is also President of the Unity for Russia Foundation.
The First Meeting of the ORF-Russia non-official Dialogue jointly organised by ORF and two Russian NGOs, Public Chamber of the Russian Federation and the Polity Foundation was held in Moscow in October 2007.
Throughout the Cold War - and afterwards - Russia's relations with Pakistan remained almost non-existent. However, with the United States and NATO pulling out its troops from Afghanistan in 2013,
India’s policymakers signal that historically strong ties with Russia should not become an obstacle to an equally strong relationship with the US
Though India and China failed to resolve the issue of the stapled visa for those hailing from Arunachal Pradesh, there was substantial progress in other areas. The memorandum of understanding speaks about nine deals signed during the visit of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
Russia is considering supplying Hydrocarbons to India through pipelines and both countries have commissioned joint study groups to analyse the feasibility of the project.
Russia recently witnessed the re-election of its long-serving president. A constitutionally mandated term limit suggests this would be Vladimir Putin’s last presidential term. As Russia enters a period of power transition, it is likely that a number of political actors will become relevant during this phase. This brief looks at the groups that form the opposition—those operating within the formal institutions and the major players outside it�
Despite Putin’s overwhelming victory in the recent Russian presidential elections, a growing shift in the social attitudes of the citizenry was witn
The Indian President's presence at the 70th anniversary of the Allied victory in World War II in Russia on May 9 is in part about extending New Delhi's solidarity with Moscow at a time when many Western leaders have decided not to show up in protest against Russian President Vladimir Putin's policy in Ukraine.
Pressure that both sides face from the United States and the West gives their partnership new depth.
There are clear differences between India and the rest of the Quad, but it is also evident they are willing to work together to resolve those differences.
The impact of the recession on Russia at this particular moment in geopolitical history will impact its foreign policy trajectory in very specific way
South Asia's foreign policy calculus is increasingly complex as Russia steps up to vie for power with the US
Factors like the rise of the Indo-Pacific as a theatre for great power competition and the Ukraine war have pushed Russia and North Korea closer toget
Since the Ukraine war, Russia’s economy has developed resilience against sanctions. However, the escalating military expenditure, while boosting sho
Establishing itself as a strong player in Latin America, Russia’s policy in the region also focuses on undermining US interests, where possible.
Moscow is interested in continuing the SCO's expansion — primarily by making Iran a member.
Diverging takes on Ukraine and security measures in the region show that diplomacy is the best way forward for the two powers
Stalin is no longer a bad name in Russia. Russian scholar Sergey Kurginyan says a recent opinion poll suggests that that "80% of the Russian population feel the peo ple were better off during the Soviet period."
Russia has long depended on migrant labour. However, the COVID-19 pandemic, the conflict in Ukraine, and a devaluing Ruble have impacted migrants economically. These developments, coupled with institutional hurdles and rising xenophobia in Russia, have pushed migrant labourers to seek alternate employment destinations. Notably, workers from countries such as Kazakhstan, Armenia, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine are swaying away from Russia, even as
The EU is now taking a multi-pronged approach to strengthen its defence capabilities in the midst of Russian invasion of Ukraine and rise of Trump i
Over the past many months, a tectonic shift has taken place as the traditional foreign hegemonic presence in the region, the United States, increasing
Speculation was rife that the bilateral relationship had lost its strategic sheen and had become a transactional one, where Russia was just a convenient one-window stop for some military equipment.
The Ukraine crisis may have effectively ended the rapprochement between the USand Russia, and in turn affecting relations such as those of Japan and Russia. Prior to this crisis,and the subsequent Western sanctions on Russia, Tokyo and Moscow had been reaching out toeach other, and hope flickered for a resolution to the territorial dispute over the NorthernTerritories or Southern Kurils. This paper argues that with nationalist governments in powe
