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कर्ज़ चुकाने के लिए किसी भी देश के पास समुचित मात्रा में व
वर्ष 2014 में प्रधानमंत्री पद संभालने के बाद नरेंद्र मोदी क�
The pandemic has accelerated digitalisation, which can be used as an opportunity to bridge the gender digital divide in India.
शिन्जियांग में सीसीपी का लक्षित अभियान, जिसने 2014 में राष्�
The ‘Make in India’ scheme launched in 2014 could be the starting point in galvanising the economic resurgence in post-pandemic India.
संसद को जनता के प्रति जवाबदेह होना चाहिए और इसे सुनिश्चि�
Prime Minister Narendra Modi must be assessed by the success or failure of his major decisions that have been taken since he assumed power in May 2014
2017 के केंद्रीय बजट में इलेक्टोरल फंडिंग रिफ़ॉर्म पर एक पू�
साल 2014 में संसद पहुंची एनडीए की सरकार का कुल वोट शेयर सिर्�
The whole idea of ISIS Jammu & Kashmir (ISJK) is a misnomer, and its legitimacy or illegitimacy in the future of the Kashmir valley depends on Ind
श्रम व सांख्यिकी ब्यूरो के अनुसार 2014 में भारत में 48 मिलियन
2014 में जब भाजपा नेतृत्व वाली राजग सरकार केंद्र में आई थी, त�
When the BJP-led NDA government had come to power in 2014, it enjoyed the support of the young voters.
अगले आम चुनाव में अब दो साल से कम वक्त रह गया है और सत्तारु�
2014 के आम चुनाव और उसके बाद के विधानसभा चुनावों से स्पष्ट ह�
Results of the 2014 general election and the subsequent Assembly elections clearly established that Dalit politics is undergoing a change.
2014 के आम चुनाव और उसके बाद के विधानसभा चुनावों से स्पष्ट ह�
Relations between India and Australia have reached a new maturity, based on deepening connections between their societies, economies, education sectors and policy establishments. This positions these two democracies well to work together to advance their interests in a shared Indo-Pacific region.
The focus on broadband expansion in the Union Budget is timely to take the IT revolution to the next level: social inclusion, e-commerce, media, and distance education for India?s small towns and rural pockets.
Here is a look at the 2014-15 Budget, presented by Finance Minister Arun Jaitely, through a series of graphs on allocations to various key sectors from the time of the previous NDA government.
What India needs to understand is that legislation or institutions by themselves do not bring about social change. Countries of Europe or the United States, too, had a history of political corruption. But over the years they have cleaned up their act considerably because of popular sentiment, as well as institutions and laws.
This report evaluates India’s soft power strategies under the tenure of Prime Minister Narendra Modi from 2014 to 2024. It looks into the ways in which the government has promoted cultural connectivity, diaspora engagement, and partnership building to strengthen India’s global image. It underlines the growth of India’s soft power in the past decade, becoming more coherent, strategic, and ambitious. In the past decade, India has initiated, f
On 5 January, parliamentary elections were held in Bangladesh. They were boycotted by the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led 18 party alliance, allowing the Awami League to win the election with two thirds majority and with very little opposition.
An all inclusive Defexpo would not only add greater character but also help the Indian companies explore the markets through a comparative framework and in turn enhance their manufacturing capabilities in the long term.
Observer Research Foundation, with support from the Ministry of External Affairs, hosted the Indian Ocean Dialogue 2014. The event witnessed participation of delegates from the far corners of the Indian Ocean and beyond, capturing the vastness and diversity of the region.
India has a role to play in global climate diplomacy, with its large population, fast-growing economy, and vulnerabilities to the consequences of climate change. Utilising a review of existing literature, this brief evaluates the country’s involvement in international climate forums in the past decade, its negotiation strategies and policy coherence, and their effectiveness. It finds that India’s strategy for climate diplomacy has aimed for a
As an increasingly powerful China seeks to reorder Asia, Delhi must firmly locate China's Panchsheel campaign in a clinical assessment of Asia's rapidly evolving geopolitics and its consequences for Indian security. China is doing what rising powers, including the US, have done before. But Delhi appears a long way from developing an appropriate strategy to cope with Asia's new power play.
This paper outlines the development of Russia’s relations with the countries of Southeast Asia, focusing on the years after 2014. As relations with the West reached a new post-Cold War low, Moscow has intensified its efforts at building stronger ties with the East. The paper deals with the impact of these developments on the state of its political, economic and defense engagement in Southeast Asia, both bilaterally and multilaterally. It will s
General elections of 2014 could well be the most interesting election they will witness in their lifetime. Several developments suggest that the elections could mark a big shift of the political paradigm and, in that sense, they could well mark the true beginning of 21st century politics in the country.
The agenda for change is a large one. This list or any other can be multiplied several times and still come up short. But the compulsions of reform are urgent. With a bulging profile of young people, India is said to be on the cusp of a demographic dividend. But that dividend could well become a nightmare unless we are able to fix our politics, our governance system, economy, national security machinery.
The Russia-China partnership has grown steadily in the past decade, driven by Moscow’s widening rift with the European Union. As Western markets closed to Russia in 2014, Beijing emerged as an economic partner, importing Russian energy, defence goods, metals and minerals, timber, and other natural resources and exporting manufactured goods, technology, and dual-use goods. The partnership reached new heights following Russia’s invasion of Ukra
Since his assumption to power in 2014, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been slowly stretching the arm of the country’s foreign policy into Pacific waters in furtherance of the ‘Act East’ policy. While India’s relationship with the Pacific island states (read, not Australia and New Zealand) is quite unestablished, Modi is attempting to set the foundations for prosperous future cooperation. In the form of a guidebook for India on Pa
After the scheduled western forces drawdown from Afghanistan in 2014, one viable option that would assist Afghan economic development is the US-driven New Silk Road Strategy. But, China, Russia, and Iran have specific visions of a viable NSRS, and these do not necessarily sit well with the US strategy.
For the first time in 30 years, Elections-2014 has thrown up a decisive Parliament. The Treasury Bench does not have to do number-crunching all the time, to push policy initiatives, legislative initiatives and even budgets - which have more often than not been passed in the midst of din and dust.
There has clearly been a Modi effect in the assembly polls, but but whether or not there is a Modi wave in 2014 will depend on just how the BJP uses the momentum it has now gathered. And the stunning performance of AAP in Delhi signals the arrival of the urban discourse into national politics and the breakdown of identity politics of yore.
Nearly ten years in Afghanistan and not a solution is sight makes for sad commentary for the ability of the US to solve its security problems or to force a solution on other regions. The year of reckoning may have been postponed from 2011 to 2014.
The change in leadership in Kabul has provided a new opportunity for the US and Afghanistan to work together. Media reports suggesting a larger role for the United States post-2014 than originally envisaged have been doing the rounds for the better part of the past six months.
The year 2014 is, in many ways, the year of reckoning for Afghanistan which is undergoing three simultaneous transitions - security, political and economic. Unlike the first two, the economic transition has not had the advantage of clear deadlines and roadmaps and has suffered from lack of long term planning.
Afghan President Hamid Karzai is desperately seeking external support in order to secure the nation's future. The impending December 2014 deadline for the drawdown of foreign troops from Afghanistan and the consequent reduction of western military and developmental
As the US pulls out its troops from Afghanistan, all eyes are set on the potential role China can play in the region. China has shown signs of stepping up its engagement with Afghanistan since the formation of the new government in Kabul in September 2014.
The possibility of, and debate about, a 'zero option' for American troop presence, or absence, in Afghanistan post-2014 has surfaced once again. According to The New York Times, the US administration has not ruled out the possibility of a complete withdrawal from Afghanistan come 2014.
Baiting Pakistan into increasing its duplicity in its dealings with Nato, India has effectively provided the West with a convenient scapegoat. Come 2014, the historical narrative will more likely focus on betrayal rather than the reality of the West's bad homework and flawed assumptions.
The relationship between Australia and India has reached a new maturity: that was key theme of a major bilateral dialogue convened from Sydney to Canberra to Melbourne, in early 2014.
After a year of comparative stability in 2014, politics of hartal (street agitation) is back in Bangladesh. The country is almost paralysed for almost a month following strings of hartal staged by opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) for its campaign to oust Sheikh Hasina led Awami League government.
The current Indian government has given clear indicators that it is likely to place regional integration high on its economic diplomacy agenda, be it SAARC, ASEAN or BCIM. The last two are especially important to India's Act East Policy.