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In Pakistan, the debate today dominating the military and civilian circles is how to tackle the threat of terrorism, and not India. There is a growing feeling among the military leaders about the gravity of the threats posed by these terrorist groups to Pakistan.
A Pakistani nuclear deal would suggest that the US is determined to maintain good ties with both India and Pakistan. Those in India, who expected that Washington's unhappiness with Islamabad would result in undivided attention to New Delhi, will be disappointed. But, the US is following the logic of its geopolitical interests.
Pakistan is facing an imminent energy crisis. Hydroelectric projects like Kalabagh, or coal-based ones like the Thar have failed to address the nation's growing energy needs adequately.
It is now a well-known fact that how Pakistani terrorists and ISI operatives exploited the visas in plotting terror attacks against India. And, it is a matter of serious concern that there are 7,000 Pakistanis still in India after their visas had expired.
Sidhu has claimed that Pakistan was waiting for India to respond to their ‘offer’ — but the reality is that there was no formal offer or official communication from Pakistan on the issue of the Kartarpur corridor.
After the US withdrawal in 2014, the Taliban, with the help of Pakistan, could plan a low-key but protracted military push towards Kabul. Taliban's attacks in Kabul this year are an indication of this strategy which will push the region towards greater instability in the next one year.
China¿s decision in the 1980's to supply to Pakistan nuclear weapons technology and missiles capable of delivering nukes over long distances was intended to bind India down in a south Asian strategic impasse and constrict India's larger role in Asia and the world. China achieved only partial success in that objective.
The two-week-long Sindh festival, now underway in Pakistan, is significant for multiple reasons. For one, it is about the unfolding leadership transition in the Pakistan People's Party from Asif Ali Zardari, who led it after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in December 2007.
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh deserves credit for his determination to push on with engagement that may be difficult, but which is undoubtedly in India's interest. And his boldness isn't confined to Pakistan alone.
The unrealistic expectations in India from Li Keqiang's visit to Delhi and Mumbai next week are likely to be tempered when weighed against the Chinese premier's agenda in Pakistan.
It is ironic that the Obama administration, which has been persistently dogmatic about nuclear proliferation issues, has decided to turn a blind eye to China's attempts to fuel Pakistan's nuclear weapons programme.
The rise of Islamic State does pose a strategic threat to South Asia, although the influence might not be direct, according to Prof. Stephen Tankel of American University. He says since the decline of the Al Qaeda senior leadership in Pakistan, the IS has emerged a source of new leadership.
In a constantly-evolving discourse and a politically and economically disruptive world, new ideas will demand a greater control over Modi’s actions.
There are now three strands to Pakistan's strategy. One, to keep the pressure on Afghanistan through increased Taliban terrorist attacks; two, take over the dialogue process with the help of China, and; three, tie all this up with an ISI-NDS deal.
In treating Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari badly at the NATO summit in Chicago, US President Barack Obama was highlighting the US frustration at Pakistan's reluctance to open up over land access to the international forces in Afghanistan.
It's pointless to blame Pakistan for successful terrorist strikes. What about the CCTVs that didn't work? The strategy of the new generation of terrorists is to keep the country forever in the terror warp, and they seem to be winning.
As signaled by the Myanmar operations against militants, the policy shift in New Delhi must be taken seriously. One can hope that it does have a salutary effect on the extremist elements within the Pakistani establishment and the jihadi organisations located in the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir also.
A consignment of over 100 tonnes of explosives, carried in six shipping containers. The ship was bound for Bander Abbas in Iran where the consignment was to be unlaoded and moved overland from Iran to Jaranz in Afghanistan since Pakistan does not permit such cargo to be sent from India over its territory. The consigment was of commercial grade explosives meant for use by Border Road Organization (BRO) for road construction.
India and Pakistan have much to learn from their once-poorer neighbor Bangladesh.
Both internal as well as external skepticism about the Rajapaksa government's warmth towards 'hard-line' countries like Pakistan, China and Iran is bound to grow with the impending visit of Iranian President Mahmud Ahmedinejad.
With the stalemate on the judicial restoration continuing, the focus was back on the man who is responsible for most of the mess Pakistan is in today. President Pervez Musharraf¿s three-and-a-half-hour meeting with Army Chief, General Ashfaq Kayani,
Pakistan is struggling with two monumental crises--one is political and another is terrorism. On the political front, there is a prolonged drift with PPP and PMLN not quite willing to move forward from their respective positions.
After eight years of ruling Pakistan, former Army Chief and President Pervez Musharraf stepped down on August 18, 2008. It was amidst growing speculation and doubt that Musharraf, facing a possible impeachment in the National Assembly, announced the decision to quit in his last Address to the Nation.
Asif Ali Zardari, who led Pakistan People's Party (PPP) to victory in the February elections, became the 14th President of Pakistan by securing a majority in Senate, the National Assembly and three of the four Provincial Assemblies on Saturday (Sept.6).
Darra Adam Khel a semi-tribal town located between Kohat and Peshawar in North West Frontier Province (NWFP) came under intense threat from militants when conflict broke out between militants and the Pakistan military in the last week of January.
The Taliban has renewed its activities in Peshawar. The Taliban militants and its allies have carried out a series of kidnappings and attacks on foreign nationals in the area recently to establish its presence, and taunt the Pakistan Army engaged in counter-insurgency operations in the nearby Bajaur and Mohmand.
The kidnapping of an American University professor and his Australian colleague in Afghanistan resulted in a failed rescue mission.
A gun battle in Kabul between forces loyal to Afghan Vice President Abdul Rashid Dostum and Tajik demonstrators left at least one person dead.
Exploring the India-Pakistan 'de-escalation' dilemma, expansion of Bhutan's soft-power and other recent developments from South Asia.
Exploring Pakistan's human trafficking problem , India's declining political rhetoric and other recent developments from South Asia.
Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh; revival of tourism in Pakistan — and other news from South Asia.
A report by the Long War Journal has stated that the Taliban is now threatening five of Afghanistan's 34 provincial capitals.
News and analyses from South Asia this week.
The meeting of Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh with his Pakistani counterpart, Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani, on 10 November 2011 on the sidelines of the 17th South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) summit in the Maldives, should be welcomed.
The crises in Sri Lanka and Pakistan are raising questions about the relevance and the costs of their reliance on the alternative financial system provided by China’s Belt and Road Initiative
Ever since the start of the insurgency in Kashmir, the Pakistani intelligence agencies have constantly raised, mutated, emasculated and even extirpated the so-called jihadi groups active in Kashmir. The dependence of the Jihadis active in Kashmir on Pakistan for training, logistics, arms and ammunition and most of all sanctuaries, has been exploited to the hilt by the Pakistani establishment.
The MoU between the espionage agencies of Afghanistan and Pakistan is a case of the latter showing India the finger, never mind that it flies in the face of history and logic
Colombo has to find ways to permanently ally apprehensions of a section of the Indian strategic community — particularly naval experts.
Indian security agencies will be keeping their fingers crossed as, for the first time in 57 years, passenger buses start plying on April 7,2005, between Srinagar, the capital of Jammu & Kashmir (J) and Muzzafarabad, the capital of what Pakistan calls Azad Kashmir (Free Kashmir) and what we in India call Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK).
The millstone around Pakistan’s neck weighs down India too
Two sets of people are upset with the way India is pursuing the peace process with Pakistan. In the first group are those in Kashmir who are, quite abruptly, faced with the reality of being irrelevant in the entire process. The second group is in Islamabad which is not quite sure about the direction the process is taking and is therefore discomfited.
Better sense must prevail and both India and Pakistan must avoid serious conflict that will hardly help either. True progress will happen when Pakistan starts to wind up its terror factory
Some despatches have made out that India "after starting the war in 1984 occupies higher positions." India did not start the war in 1984, but today occupies the heights. Pakistan started the war in 1947 and has continued that in different forms since then.
Aside from Afghanistan’s internal crisis, the Taliban also confronts some new strategic challenges.
It is indeed tempting to wax eloquent about the shikaras full of tourists on the Dal Lake in Srinagar and the peace moves in the air between India and Pakistan. However, a pragmatic assessment of the military situation in the fifteenth year of insurgency reveals that a state of strategic stalemate now prevails in Jammu and Kashmir (J).
Compellence is a word derived from nuclear weapons theory.is being used in the conventional context in relation to India and Pakistan
