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Japan needs to work around its structural impediments to embrace digitalisation via the new Digital Agency
As a trusted bellwether in the international arena, Japan must vigorously promote the FOIP and FOIO to forge a consensus with a large circle of states
PM Shinzo Abe has sought to think about something unforeseen — immigration of more foreign workers to address Japan’s labour shortage.
Being inclusive and normative, Japan calls on other states―like-minded or not―to agree on “the minimum basic principles”
Japan’s commitment to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific and its assessment of the changing global strategic environment have driven Tokyo to a new path-b
Increasingly, many countries that have traditionally maintained a defensive and pacifist posture, like Japan, are having to reconsider their options.
The strategic shift in Japan’s NSS has been met with criticism from China and the Korean peninsula
A detailed study of Japan's role in the peace settlement of the Cambodian issue is important as it was one of the earliest political efforts made by Tokyo in a region which had been known for its antipathy to Japan due to the strong historical memories of the Second World War. Southeast Asia posed one of the most serious challenges to Japan's post-war diplomacy which had to wrestle not only with the bitter legacies of the war, but also with the r
Despite domestic political changes, the alliance with the US continues to be the cornerstone of Japan's security policy in the Asia-Pacific region. Although Japan has taken some siginificant steps in the direction of normal statehood, the domestic constituency in favour of full strategic autonomy is still very weak. Japan's dilemma between its growing security concerns and the limitations laid by its Constitution will continue to be a major chall
The Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021, just after the withdrawal of US-led troops, will have ramifications in Japan’s activities in the region. Since 2001, Japan has provided 759 billion yen (USD6.9 billion) to reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan. This, despite the fact that Japan does not share geographical proximity with Afghanistan and therefore has no direct strategic interests in the country. To be sure, Japan’s partners s
If allowed to spiral out of control, Japan’s and South Korea’s domestic nationalist fervour against each other could further damage already fragil
The dialogue has wider strategic implications beyond the bilateral relationship itself.
With the new Japan–US understanding on Taiwan, Tokyo–Taipei ties have reached a new high in the area of security.
The growing anxiety over North Korea and China has encouraged rapprochement between Japan and South Korea
Their collaboration highlights the power of strategic alliances and technological synergy
Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe believes that his country needs quicker and more decisive responses to China's increasing maritime ambitions in waters near Japan, according to two Japanese security experts, Dr Marie Izuyama and Dr Hikaru Yamashita.
The idea of a united Indo-Pacific put forward by t he Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is becoming increasingly concurrent with the foreign policy initiatives of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, according to the Ambassador of Japan to India, Mr. Takeshi Yagi.
In an era of Asian strategic uncertainties and global power transition, India-Japan defence and security linkages have become particularly significant.
The recent trilateral summit between Japan, the Philippines and the US reflects the shared interests to improve collective response and self-defence i
The India-Japan strategic partnership has been growing stronger, and this also extends to their cooperation on matters of outer space.
Tokyo believes that the growing British interest in the Indo-Pacific will be a valuable factor in the realisation of the FOIP vision.
For Tokyo, the G-7 Summit was driven by the need to define and devise the means of navigating the complex geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific
Curiosity drew me to the Yasukuni shrine during a recent trip to Tokyo. When I lived in Beijing in the Nineties, I had been struck by the close attention paid by the Chinese authorities to every visit by a Japanese minister to this Shinto place of worship.
China’s assertive behavior is the glue that holds the Australia-Japan-India trilateral together.
As the Bay of Bengal region continues to rise as an economic and strategic hub, there is increasing awareness of the role to be played by the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) in promoting growth, development and stability in the region. Having kept a low profile in its 20 years of existence, BIMSTEC is now being seen as a potential driver of integration between South Asia and Southeast As
New Japanese Prime Minister, Yoshihiko Noda, known for his low profile political career, is now being called upon to manage his party (Democratic Party of Japan) that is driven more by internal power struggle than policies per se.
Traditionally, a newly elected South Korean President visits Washington first, followed by Tokyo. But the new President Park Geun-hye, as expected, did visit Washington first in May, but followed it up by a visit to Beijing and not to Tokyo. This is interpreted this to speculate that China has taken precedence over Japan in Seoul's diplomatic calculations.
Well aware of China's growing influence in the Bay of Bengal and the changing power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region, Japan is now presenting itself as an alternative benefactor. With an eye toward Beijing, can the emergence of Japan in this region prove to play a balancing role?
Though the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement between India and Japan is an achievement in Indo-Japanese bilateralism, much more needs to be done at the people-to-people level to broaden and strengthen the growing relationship.
Japan's recently approved Defence White Paper has pointed out discomforting Chinese maritime activities in the region, military modernisation and the opacity about China's goals as challenges to Japan's national security.
India must urgently explore a variety of options to restore deterrence vis-à-vis China. This first thing is to back Japan. India also has to work on a range of options including economic and hard options. It must also take a fresh look at reinvigorating its ties with Vietnam, Japan, Australia, Singapore and the littoral states.
Territorial disputes between China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in the East China Sea and between Japan and South Korea over the Takeshima/Dokdo islands in the Sea of Japan have,particularly in the second half of 2012, given rise to concerns about peace and security in North East Asia. Territorial disputes between China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in the East China Sea and between Japan and South Korea over the Takes
The year 2015 marks an important date in international history - the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II. It is also the 50th anniversary of normalisation of relations between South Korea and Japan. And, it is a chance that both Japan and South Korea should grab with an aim to re-normalise their relations.
Japan wants to assist India to improve the investment climate to attract more FDI so that New Delhi can be linked more closely with Japan–ASEAN-based supply chains.
The official two-day visit by PM Kishida indicates that Japan seeks closer cooperation between the Indo-Pacific countries
