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Looking beyond the SCO’s inability to come to a consensus on Afghanistan to the normalising of Beijing’s influence in Eurasia

The 2021 BRICS leaders’ summit, slated to be organised by India as the chair, might present an opportunity to hold the bilateral summit on the same

यूनियन की सबसे अग्रणी अर्थव्यवस्था होने के बावज़ूद रूस क

As New Delhi cements its position as one of the fastest-growing major economies of the world, its increased engagement with the Central Asian region c

Indian foreign policy will have to respond to the meta-trends by crafting an approach that is more than just the sum of its bilateral and multilateral

As the leading economy in the Union, Russia is yet to emerge as a strong economic player in Asia with looming concerns regarding overdependence on Chi

फर्गाल की रिहाई की मांग करते हुए विभिन्न अनुमानों के अनु�

Does the US in general, and the Trump administration in particular, have a differing approach towards Central Asia developing their relations with Rus

The impact of the recession on Russia at this particular moment in geopolitical history will impact its foreign policy trajectory in very specific way

Will Belarus join Russia in a unified state — or will it maintain the status quo and mend relations with the West?

Indian envoy to Russia, Ambassador D. Bala Venkatesh Varma, discusses Indo-Russia ties and the recently concluded Modi-Putin Summit in Vladivostok. Th

While the strategic partnership between the United States and India remains robust, some analysts see the relationship as becoming significantly strai

The West’s failure to understand the New Nuclear Age is the real reason for today’s nuclear pessimism.

An interview of ORF President to the Institut Montaigne on India’s foreign policy choices, in particular relations with China, Russia and the Europe

चाबहार बंदरगाह भारत के लिए कई मायनों में फायदेमंद होगा। �

India will not politically prefer Russia to the US — rather it must learn to work with both. In the Indo-Pacific, India’s equities lie with Washin

Europe and India not only have similar concerns, but can also see the direct impact of BRI in their extended neighbourhoods in Eurasia and the Indian

क्या भारत 21वीं सदी को परिभाषित करने वाले यूरेशिया और हिंद

Strategies underlying the power transition is reminiscent of Soviet era practices in Uzbekistan & remains to be seen how bilateral relation with US pa

Russia has its own Eurasian Economic Union plan, but as of now it appears that China is leading the game.

पश्चिम से बढ़ते दबाव के बावजूद यूक्रेन संकट पर भारत अपने �

For Russia and even Central Asian countries, China can act as a catalyst to market their hydrocarbon resources to South Asia and beyond, opening an opportunity for gas exports too. Russia's $400 billion gas deal with China is a case in point.

To improve India's role in Central Asia, its focus should recognize the diversity of relationships that are possible - economic, defence, and connectivity. Politically and historically, each of the five countries in the region is distinct.

After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, India established official ties with the five former Soviet Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan; so did China. In recent years, both India and China have come up with different strategies to strengthen their respective ties with these resource-rich economies, collectively called the Central Asian Republics (CARs). China’s strategy is the ambitious Belt and Roa

Kazakhstan aspires for economic cooperation between China and Europe, and connectivity within itself and with its neighbours.

The importance of Xinjiang Province in China’s Eurasian connectivity initiative—the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB)—has received some coverage in the media. However, these news articles offer only a cursory view of China’s primary motive in pursuing the initiative, that is the ethnic unrest in Xinjiang. This paper argues that the conflict in Xinjiang is a main driving force to pursue SREB and that the initiative is congruent with a broader

India’s robust economy has tremendous potential. But for sustained economic growth, it needs direct access to the Eurasian markets, backed by reliable, resilient, and diversified supply chains. Indeed, enhanced connectivity with Central Asia and the wider Eurasia is essential to promote regional stability and unlock economic opportunities for all countries in the region. This paper analyses the status of the key connectivity projects in the reg

There is a preponderance of storms around the Black Sea. Its ancient beaches are littered with shipwrecks from the classical world. Some American geologists insist the great Biblical flood occurred there.

While the new Indo-Pacific construct continues to grab headlines, India's recent diplomatic orientation points to a renewed appreciation of what American strategist Zbigniew Brzezinski called the world’s “decisive geopolitical chessboard”: Eurasia. In order to grasp the significance of this strategic space, it is useful to compare it with the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific.

G7 और NATO की बैठक के बीच कयास लगाए जा रहे हैं कि क्या इस युद्ध को रोकने के लिए कोई कूटनीतिक पहल हो सकती है. एक और सवाल कि क्या इसकी आंच भारत तक आ सकती है. इन तमाम सवालों पर क्या कहते �

पुतिन बेलारूस को रूस में शामिल होने के लिए दबाव बनाते रहे हैं. रूसी राष्‍ट्रपति पुतिन के इस नजरिए के बाद बेलारूस ने चीन और पश्चिम देशों के साथ निकटता भी बढ़ाई. बेलारूस नेटो स

आखिर अमेरिकी राष्‍ट्रपति बाइडेन ने क्‍यों दी विश्‍व युद्ध की चेतावनी. रूस-यूक्रेन जंग क्‍या विश्‍व युद्ध में तब्‍दील होगा. राष्‍ट्रपति पुत‍िन आखिर परमाणु जंग की धमकी क्‍�

Separatism, extremism, and terrorism originating in Afghanistan compelled the neighbouring countries to form the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2001. However, instead of presenting a united front, the SCO is rife with disagreements. Increased divergences and mistrust among the members have helped the Taliban regain power in Afghanistan and strengthen its influence in the heart of Eurasia. The Taliban have taken advantage of the trust

With tensions between an aggressive China and an emerging India intensifying, there will be significant changes and challenges in the Indian Ocean and South Asian regions

The world of BRICS is expanding. Despite setbacks, this association of Brazil,Russia, India, China and South Africaall of them important, emerging-marketeconomiesremains relevant as it continues to comprise a big share of the world's population,its resources, and global trade. This paper describes the rise of BRICS and their growing mutualinterest in cementing their economic and political ties. It argues that while problems remain inpromoting coh

India’s power sector requires sustained efforts to achieve the power generating capacity target of approximately 1.2 terawatts by 2047. It needs such capacity to meet the demands of economic growth and achieve the Sustainable Development Goal 7 of providing universal electricity access. At the same time, the country also needs to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions to meet commitments to global climate action agreements. This paper revi

US’ expected policy shift favouring Moscow aligns with its renewed focus on the Indo-Pacific.

Even as China becomes a maritime power to reckon with, Beijing has no desire to give up on its continental aspirations. Chinese President Xi Jinping's continuing tour of Central Asia this past week showcased the nation's rise at the heart of the Eurasian landmass.

As an emerging power in the current multipolar global order, India can use the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) to protect, promote, and project its geostrategic and geoeconomic interests. The SCO is also a platform for India to reaffirm its commitment to revive and deepen its centuries-old civilisational, spiritual, and cultural ties with other member countries. This paper explores India's priorities at the SCO, chiefly connectivity, coun

In 2019, India and Russia announced their intent to connect the ports in their respective cities, Chennai and Vladivostok. One year on, the project remains only on paper. This paper explores the economic and strategic viability of this proposed maritime connectivity corridor. While not purporting to be a feasibility study, this analysis seeks to examine the potential benefits and pitfalls of the proposed link and its place in the Indo-Russia stra