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India's external balance is changing fast with new equations being worked out. We need to set our house in order - refurbish our political apparatus, rebuild the crumbling state of our institutions and reorient and revamp our governance capacities.
India should understand from Trump’s approach that no one is going to pull India’s chestnuts out of the fire for it and treat 'One China' cautiously
Export-oriented FDI has the potential to vault India into the league of industrial economies: a stage which it allegedly skipped on its way to becoming a post-industrial service-based economy. Export-oriented FDI is labour-- and employment --intensive. In China export obligation is mandatory for foreign investors. This should be done .
Export-oriented FDI has the potential to vault India into the league of industrial economies: a stage which it allegedly skipped on its way to becoming a post-industrial service-based economy. Export-oriented FDI is labour-- and employment --intensive. In China export obligation is mandatory for foreign investors. This should be done .
China’s domestic debates throw light on issues behind the LAC crisis and also hold a lesson for India — to recognise and leverage its increasing strategic value to China
India should know that the OBOR scheme is not about CPEC and Pakistan; but in fact its primary goal is to integrate the rich European economy with that of China’s.
In many ways, India and China are running parallel growth stories with high GDP growths. However, China seems to be taking stock of what has not been achieved by their high GDP growth and India should also be more concerned with the well-being of all Indians for a more harmonious society.
The Quad's real problem is the absence of a plan to counter China's smart-strategy in South Asia that combines economic activity with benign naval presence.
Capabilities that China builds to deal with the US can easily be turned against India. However, India does not have to assume that such conflict of interest with China is inevitable. India can reach out to China. It will be to the benefit of both countries to engage in periodic military CBMs.
Central Asia, which is seen by India as a potential region to explore its wider energy options in the form of hydrocarbons, hydro-electric power and uranium reserves, is apparently slipping out of its hands largely due to the energy stance of other countries.
India may have a geopolitical interest in the South China Sea area, but it is driven by an economic need. India must make its presence felt and pursue its engagements in the area. This in turn will involve a continued effort to cooperate and collaborate with the Southeast Asian nations.
There is a chance of breaking China's hegemony in Central Asia, particularly with respect to its energy harvest, which it has consolidated.
Despite China becoming India's biggest trading partner in 2011, the bilateral trade has seen a downward trend since then, with 2013 registering a 1.5% decline. The current trade deficit with China stands at $ 31.42bn. Alarming levels of deficit has now cast a shadow on the once flourishing trade.
New Delhi must stand committed to its rhetoric on the Freedom of Navigation (FON) and to defend its interests should the need arise. This in turn would involve deepening naval cooperation with the key countries of the ASEAN and major powers sharing India's interest in defending the principle of FON.
The way China is encroaching in continental South Asia and the maritime domain of the Indian Ocean — it can raise the hackles of any Indian leadersh
While India is preparing to give up one of the blocks it has been drilling in, it has no intention of abandoning its search for oil and natural gas in the South China Sea.
It is hoped that the focus of deliberations would be to promote peace, security, counterterrorism cooperation and enhance partnership in economic, bus
While viewing China through the prism of economic rivalry is unhelpful, so is judging it based on relations with neighbouring countries. Doing so is distracting, and makes India look insecure, with a developing country mind-set rather than that of aspiring superpower.
Earlier this month, the RIC forum meeting in Beijing supported India's aspirations to play a greater role in the UN. Recently, the Chinese spokesperson Hua Chunying too made some small change in its stance on UNSC expansion and India's aspirations. But still, it is not clear whether it is a distinct shift in China's policy.
India and China will need each other's markets and labour in the future. With rising wages, India can become an important outsourcing partner for China and more Indian finished goods can be sent to China. It could mean faster poverty reduction in India if growth with equity is the chosen path.
Burnishing their credentials as humanitarian champions is the name of the game, but their approaches differ
अगर चीन अपने कब्ज़े वाले इलाक़ों को लेकर आक्रामक रुख़ का�
Trudeau may have rolled the dice but India will now have a big role in determining how it falls.
During his own lifetime, Mao Zedong struggled with his own ideological prognosis and abandoned his earlier visceral dislike for capitalism.
Senior journalists from India and China discussed various important issues affecting the India-China relations and the role of media in both the countries in giving a right perspective to issues and help improve relations further. The platform was the India-China Media Exchange, organised by ORF in Delhi in association with the Global Times Foundation.
China is now India's single largest trading partner and a big growing export market for Indian goods
India and China should begin a full-fledged dialogue on water resources in order to address the suspicion that China is diverting river water away from India, according to former Union Minister Jairam Ramesh.
Notwithstanding the friendly rhetoric and promises of Chinese investment, India and China still have big problems between them. The biggest, as Narendra Modi's remarks at the press interaction noted, is the border.
The growing presence of China and India in the Persian Gulf indicates the prospects of power relations between regional, continental, and global actor
Like several other countries in the Indo-Pacific, India is also hardening its policy posture vis-à-vis China.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's forthcoming visit to Japan for the annual summit comes at a time when both countries are faced with serious territorial frictions with China. Mr Singh and his Japanese counterpart Mr. Shinzo Abe will review China's assertive maritime postures and other major developments in East Asia.
Countering China may be harder than India imagines. For one thing, regional countries aren’t willing to support any Indian moves to balance China in the Bay.
While India and China continue their dialogue, tensions along the LAC remain high
Even if India wins, the situation may become more like Kargil.
The use of past to pitch present-day India-China interaction is not a very helpful strategy because the situations, political entities were different and the role of Buddhism was more complex than acknowledged, according to Dr. Tansen Sen of the City University New York.
Sustained India-Gulf engagement builds habits of cooperation and sheds light on each other’s strategic concerns and capabilities.
The current trade scenario suggests that the nationalistic notions of bringing China to its knees — by boycotting Chinese goods — has been a flop.
The victory of a pro-China government in the Maldives offers Beijing an opportunity to restore its influence in the Indian Ocean region
China and India need to do more than repeatedly declaring outcomes of meetings as 'successful' and 'positive'. Talking things out straight will no doubt lead to friction and diplomatic parleys but at least it will be an enterprise in reality.
Both the US and India are on the same side of the fence when dealing with China.
India and China have recognised their comparative and cooperative strengths - even while acknowledging their shared concerns and competitive edge, vis-a-vis each other, and when pitted against the rest of the world. Not surprisingly, the strategic community, in general, and policy makers, in particular, have been keenly engaged in following the developments related to the countries over the part four decades.
