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Wednesday, November 20, was a black day in the contemporary history of Indian media. It was on this day news about the owner-cum-Editor-in Chief of an investigative weekly - Tehelka - Tarun Tejpal's alleged sexual assault on one of his own colleagues in a lift of a five-star hotel in Goa,
When the Budget session of Parliament began on February 21, people in general and industry in particular were hoping that the political class would ensure that the two Houses conducted the necessary parliamentary business to bring back the national economy and governance on to the rails.
The twenty-four days long Monsoon session of Parliament, which began on July 21, looks like facing a total washout as the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Congress-led opposition seem to be in no mood to relent from their respective publically stated positions.
The monsoon session of Parliament began on Monday August 1, 2011. The eigth session of the 15th Lok Sabha (Lower House) and the 223rd session of Rajya Sabha (Upper House) are expected to produce more legislative business compared to the performance of the two Houses in the recent past.
On 26 May, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Narendra Modi assumed office after he was sworn-in as the country's 15th Prime Minister by President Pranab Mukherjee.
For almost two years now, or nearly two-third of the ruling UPA-II's time in power, the two Houses of Parliament have been witnessing logjams, walkouts and adjournments with very little legislative business being conducted.
From all accounts, the two-day visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Nepal on August 2-3 was a success. It was also a demonstration of the BJP-led government's neighbourhood policy which seems to be at the core of country's foreign policy.
Eager to discover the road to Delhi's throne, India's main opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), is trapped in a cleft, not knowing whether to follow the dictates of 'realpolitik' or stick to its original principles as formulated by the party's elders in close consultation with the Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh (RSS) mentor.
In next four months, there is going to be a new government in New Delhi. The upcoming general elections are likely to be one of the most bitter and hard-fought battles in country's over six decades of Independence.
The controversy over the proposed single entrance examination for all engineering studies, including those at the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology (IITs), has brought serious issues into the open.
The Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, which was sworn-in on May 26, has completed 100 days in power.
A battered UPA-II, battling to shrug off the 'policy paralysis' tag, appears to be regaining confidence after it managed to get its presidential and vice-presidential candidates elected.
Are national parties on decline? Can a non-Congress, non-BJP coalition come to power in New Delhi after the next General Elections due in 2014? Or even before, if a political crisis or coalition-accident leads to mid-term elections?
A cross-analysis of the three regions indicates multiple complementarities between India and Europe vis-à-vis Africa — and that there are good reasons to initiate triangular cooperation in certain sectors.
As we celebrate our 70th Independence Day this month, there is much to ponder over.
The doctrine’s ambitious purpose, in principle, is to help provide a framework for an integrated approach to warfare by all the three branches of the Indian armed forces. However, the JDIAF makes little substantive progress toward force integration among the three services.
The civil aviation sector can create lots of jobs — India can expect four million people to be employed by the industry, by 2030.
This brief examines India’s defence procurement record for fundamental platforms, weapons, and systems, as well as planned acquisitions and projects under development. The new Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP 2020) assumes greater salience not only against India’s chequered acquisition history, but also the increasingly constrained resource environment and deteriorating regional security scenario. The brief offers a set of broad recommendat
India may well be considered a middle power aspiring to be a great power of global importance. India¿s ruling class has successfully shrugged off its initial aversion to perceive power as a category having a place of its own outside the ideological fortress of morality.
Mismanagement at home and increasing protectionism abroad have ensured that India has dropped out of that group of fast-growing emerging economies
Author and economic analyst M.R. Venkatesh says the controversies and court cases relating to the 2-G scam might have impeded FDI inflow. It shows that even agreements made with the Government in India are not fool-proof, he argues.
Prof. S.D. Muni, a Sri Lankan expert, says that it was unlikely that the 13th Amendment would be implemented, but the spirit of the amendment, i.e., accommodation, would play a much larger role relative to Rajapaksa's rule.
Federalism has been part of the public discourse in India for many decades, before and after independence in 1947, but it has gained greater importance since the 1990s when the country's national polity saw the advent of the coalition era. With the states now asserting their position in areas which were considered the prerogative of the Centre, this Paper strives to analyse some of the related issues and suggests possible paths for the future
Maritime security concerns of nations, big and small, are for real. Livelihood issues too are for real. Neither can be compromised in the face of the other.
A host of issues that were crucial to the interests of developing countries, and to a large extent India's, were off the table at Bali. For instance, rich country farm subsidies. The US has still not budged from its position vis-à-vis farm subsidies, despite years of push from poor countries, including in Africa.
New Delhi’s relations with Moscow continue to be good, but the long-term prognosis is complicated, especially by China.
There is a lot riding on the relationship for both New Delhi and Canberra given that both have a inherent interest in balancing China and ensuring a stable Indo-Pacific strategic order.
Whatever comes after India’s election, the role of China will loom large in Indian foreign policy.
Much of PP&R's engagement with civil society remains limited to event-oriented modes. There is a fundamental problem in the extant approach.
The Manmohan Singh government will sponsor a $5.4-billion policy to provide free generic drugs - a decision that could change the healthcare woes in India for millions of poor people.
Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, extremist groups find workarounds to the digital blockade as ordinary citizens endure restricted access
For a country that has faced repeated betrayals from Pakistan, it is another historical blunder for our government to again place faith in it.
The chief economist of BP Group, Mr. Christof Ruehl, says the industrial sector is less flexible in India than in China and that this could drive the energy demand in 2012-2035 period. He also predicts that China's industrialisation will continue even if it changes its economy structure.
Not recruiting from civilian and scientific talent pools risks a ‘failure of imagination’, hindering India’s ability to pre-empt previously unanticipated dangers.
This article makes a case for increased engagement of India’s scholars of international relations (IR), especially of the theoretical variety, with the global IR community. While India has increasingly been integrating itself in global economic and political orders, its IR scholarship is yet to become truly global. This article outlines the structural and domestic-level causes for the relative absence of theoretical IR works in India while argu