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The US is in a dilemma over the funding of the Diamer-Bhasha dam in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. While China and Saudi Arabia have made big inroads in public perception by taking up developmental projects, the US, despite lots of assistance, is perceived not to be doing enough in this area.
Reports say US and Pakistan have found the formulation that will satisfy Pakistan's political establishment without embarrassing the White House. The language is likely to be flexible enough for Pakistan and the US to interpret it in their own way.
The United States is contemplating a total reversal of its highly ineffective Pakistan policy. This was stated by Prof Christine Fair, Assistant Professor at Georgetown University's Edmund A Walsh School of Foreign Service while delivering a talk on "The situation in the Af-Pak region" at Observer Research Foundation on June 4, 2012.
The negotiations leading to the compromise legislation in the US Congress revealed two interesting trends. One, the increasing influence of the Tea Party Caucus in Republican politics and by extension in the American political system. Second, the absence of effective Presidential leadership in the debt-ceiling debate.
In Pakistan, there is a sense of disillusionment with the government, and forme Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, an astute politician, obviously sees an opportunity in it for his party PML(N) in the 2013 election. But it is not likely to be an easy road.
Even as the Republican camp resurges and stands a chance of putting their man in the White House, they are aware that some of Obam's strengths remain formidable and that the Democratic camp will leave no stone unturned to guard those safe zones.
The US elections are less than two months away and the campaign is reaching its pinnacle.
While India watches the elections with interest, whether it is a Republican or a Democrat who comes to power, US-India ties are set to improve because of bipartisan consensus in the US that the relationship has to grow stronger in view of shared concerns and interests in the Indo Pacific.
There is no dearth in analyses that sound the alarm on the current United States (US) administration’s policy in the Indo-Pacific. This paper conducts an evaluation of the US’ engagement in the region, and finds it to be contrary to alarmist predictions. President Donald Trump’s administration has reaffirmed commitments towards traditional allies, built on the predecessor president’s courtship of nascent partners, and encouraged partners
While in India, China and many other countries, the main worry is the inflation, the US, the biggest economy in the world, is not facing inflation but a colossal public debt which crossed the government's stipulated limit recently. Currently the US debt stands at $14.6 trillion.
US consumer spending and consumer confidence have to pick up, but this can happen only if people have jobs and regular incomes, and the private sector which runs 80 per cent of the US economy starts hiring more people. Also the manufacturing growth will have to pick up and the dependence on Chinese goods needs to be reduced.
President George Bush announced on February 17, 2005, his nomination of John Negroponte, an officer of the US Foreign Service, who is presently the US Ambassador to Iraq, as the first US Director of National Intelligence (DNI). He would assume charge after he is confirmed by the Senate.
The US is keen on investing in alternate energy sources, especially in Southern India where there is high potential for such innovations, says Samuel F Rothenberg, Political/Economic Officer at the US Consulate-General in Chennai. He said around $1 billion has been earmarked by the US Exim Bank to ensure the implementation of such plans.
Neither Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel nor John Kerry, the new Secretary of State, will find it easy to sketch a credible exit strategy from the Afghan war which according to Nobel Laureate Joseph Stiglitz has already cost $700 billion. Surely this vast expenditure has to be explained in terms of some gains for Washington.
In the Asia-Pacific region, the US has made its return in an effective manner and this is likely to continue without any time limit. By marking his attendance at the Bali conference, President Obama became the first US President to attend a summit of East Asian leaders, a region that China sees as its rightful sphere of influence.
Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dr Dipu Moni recently declared that no US army base will be allowed in the country. Her assertion came after doubts were expressed about presence of US forces in Bangladesh.
It is said of the US that it comes to the right course of action after making all the mistakes. Unfortunately, it is others who end up paying the real price. And that includes Pakistan too. Ukraine looks to be the next candidate.
Even as Washington expects India to be a net security provider in the Indo-Pacific region, the country is offering itself as a key partner in managing the cyber oceans. The US must now reciprocate.
The United States needs to treat India as an exception given the uniqueness of the US-India relationship, argues Dr. Anit Mukherjee of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Singapore.
The real challenge for US policy comes in East Asia, where China's growing power is testing American alliances. America's allies that feel bullied by China have no option but to rely on US power.
India is still coming to grips with the emerging multi-polar world order and managing great power relations still appears to be a major challenge for Delhi. India is keen on developing stronger partnership with the US. But, on the other hand, it is also concerned about the reaction of China and, increasingly, of Russia.
Pakistan will face severe consequences if they do not change their policies in dealing with terror networks, said Dr. Lisa Curtis during a talk on "US Policy Options in Pakistan" on October 13, 2011 at Observer Research Foundation.
In the face of China's growing assertiveness, the United States' policy toward potential flashpoints is certainly going to play an important role in determining America's role in the Asia-Pacific, according to experts.
Donald Trump has become the most familiar face in the line-up of GOP Presidential hopefuls. Despite his lacklustre performance during the second Republican debate in California, he is leading the latest NBC News/Wall Street Journal polls.
It is in India's interests to institute a code of conduct for guiding certain responsible behavior in order to ensure a cleaner, safer, and less congested outer space, and also bringing in certain restraint on China.
Despite the sanctions, Iran has continued to act as a regional power with huge influence over the internal affairs of Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Bahrain and Yemen. That's what threatens Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf kingdoms, and America's rapproachment with Iran is the beginning of a tectonic shift in the regional balance of power.
America's release of five Taliban leaders recently in exchange for one of its troopers has grave implications for not just Afghan security but also the India-Pakistan détente.
When China set up the ‘Big Fund’ in 2014, its mandate to companies was chip-making rather than the development of a self-reliant industry based on R&D. This strategy has left gaps in China that the US is now intending to exploit through its new rules. It has introduced a sweeping set of export controls that will make it more difficult for Chinese companies to develop cutting-edge technologies, especially semiconductors.
Saying that the rise of China and the declining power of the US hint to a new vacuum, Dr. Arvind Subramanian argues that the US should empower the rise of China rather than contain it. By giving China the necessarily positions in existing multilateral institutions, it would force it to behave as a responsible stakeholder, he says.
The United States' pivot to Asia is real and enduring, according to Professor Jeffrey W Legro, Professor of Politics and Randolph P. Compton Professor in the Miller Center at the University of Virginia.
The India-US joint statement speaks of the convergence of interests of the two countries, with President Obama welcoming India's emergence as a major regional and global power and affirming his country's interest in India's rise.
US President Barak Obama's latest "surge" in Af-Pak policy is unlikely to succeed largely because of huge challenges imposed by geography and the seemingly intractable ethnic divisions in Afghanistan makes success
US did not believe in the view that democracy could accomplish economic growth in Afghanistan. And their preference was authoritarian modernisation rather than through democratic means, according to Stanford University professor Dr. Robert Rakove.
Prominent Japanese scholars feel that the United States' position is changing vis-à-vis China. They also think that Tokyo was wary of the possibility where the US and China might cut a deal.
The strengthening of working relationships with emerging Asian powers like India and Indonesia would form the second element of the United States's rebalancing policy, according to Ms Meera Shankar, former Indian Ambassador to the United States.
The increased interdependence between the various players in the East Asia region is a potential area that needs to be harnessed more effectively to foster the relations and avoid the territorial conflicts and animosity, according to Hitoshi Tanaka of the Japan Research Institute.