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In the past, Tokyo has acted as a harbinger of change in Japan's national politics. Could outcome of Tokyo election influence course of national polit
At the bilateral level, both leaders have discussed a wide array of issues, including defence cooperation, connectivity programmes and Japan’s deepe
India, which hosts Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe as chief guest at the Republic Day celebrations later this month, must come to terms, like the rest of the region, with Tokyo's determination to shape the Asian security order. After he returned to power a year ago, Abe has set about transforming Japan's military strategy.
Amidst Pyongyang’s spy satellite and Beijing’s hegemonic aspirations, the convergence of Seoul and Tokyo’s perspectives is changing the dynamics
Bhutan has announced its support for Japan's bid for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. This was announced by Bhutan's Prime Minister, Tshering Tobgay, who completed his official visit to Japan on July 2.
New Delhi must take full advantage of the geopolitical opportunity that the Japanese connection offers us. As democracies, both India and Japan are open societies and committed to a liberal world order. Through visits and agreements, the two sides have now laid the infrastructure for their strategic partnership.
A civil nuclear agreement is one of the key outcomes New Delhi is pushing for in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Japan that starts on August 30. Recently, in Naypidaw, Myanmar, foreign minister Sushma Swaraj called on her Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida to "bring talks on civil nuclear agreement to their logical conclusion".
All three countries have unique strengths which they can leverage by working trilaterally and together they can play a major role in shaping the futur
The growing focus on the Indo-Pacific as reflected by the recent Quad summit and the launch of IPEF indicates that despite the ongoing war in Europe,
After the recently held Tokyo Conference on Afghanistan, it is expected that Japan will take its own initiatives to make follow-up measures under the two mechanisms formulated at the Tokyo Conference -- the Tokyo Declaration and the Tokyo Framework.
Modi and Abe will be holding their third summit and second one to be held in Tokyo in a bid to renew their special strategic and global partnership
The geopolitical realities are proving to be a strong catalyst for improved relations between Japan and South Korea
Don't provoke China has been the mantra behind New Delhi's recent "go slow" strategy with Japan. At the very moment when many Asian countries are frightened by the prospect of China's non-peaceful rise and are looking to Indian leadership in constructing a stable Asian balance of power, Delhi seems trapped in strategic hesitation.
Ahead of the PM’s visit to Japan, hopes are high for a greater synergy on security and connectivity issues.
Going by Japan's response to the Ukraine crisis, it appears that Tokyo attaches more importance to its alliance with the US than to the prospects of a robust Russo-Japanese partnership. And, with President Obama scheduled to make a visit to Japan in April, Abe is keen to maintain full solidarity with the US.
With the new Japan–US understanding on Taiwan, Tokyo–Taipei ties have reached a new high in the area of security.
After 2011 Fukushima disaster, popular sentiment against nuclear energy has made it impossible for the government to revive the operations of the reac
Mumbai can learn from Tokyo's tech interventions to ease road traffic
As the leader who gave an impetus to forge closer ties between Japan and New Delhi, Shinzo Abe’s death comes as a blow for India.
The recent trilateral summit between Japan, the Philippines and the US reflects the shared interests to improve collective response and self-defence i
Tokyo believes that the growing British interest in the Indo-Pacific will be a valuable factor in the realisation of the FOIP vision.
For Tokyo, the G-7 Summit was driven by the need to define and devise the means of navigating the complex geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific
Curiosity drew me to the Yasukuni shrine during a recent trip to Tokyo. When I lived in Beijing in the Nineties, I had been struck by the close attention paid by the Chinese authorities to every visit by a Japanese minister to this Shinto place of worship.
Traditionally, a newly elected South Korean President visits Washington first, followed by Tokyo. But the new President Park Geun-hye, as expected, did visit Washington first in May, but followed it up by a visit to Beijing and not to Tokyo. This is interpreted this to speculate that China has taken precedence over Japan in Seoul's diplomatic calculations.
The contest between China and Japan over tiny islands, Senkaku in Tokyo and Diaoyu in Beijing, has brought the militaries of the two nations face to face on a routine basis. Japan and South Korea and Japan and Russia are also squabbling over small islets in the Sea of Japan.
The most recent Tokyo Conference on the Reconstruction and Development of Sri Lanka was held at Washington D.C., on February 17, 2004, as a follow-up meet to discuss the international community¿s support for Sri Lanka¿s peace process.
Although Modi could not make Japan his first foreign destination as PM, he has kept the essence of his promise that he would attach special significance to ties with Tokyo. His trip to Japan is his first bilateral diplomatic engagement outside the subcontinent.
Both Tokyo and New Delhi want to create a stabler Asian order by redefining partnerships in the region. Can India and Japan take the lead in this regard and form a concert of nations that would bring about balance of power in the Asia-Pacific?
As the Indo-Pacific region takes centrestage in international affairs, various stakeholder countries are engaging in different forms of economic and strategic cooperation. While such cooperation is implemented largely through bilateral or multilateral forums, certain countries are partnering to promote infrastructure connectivity in third countries across the region. This brief explores one such partnership that holds promise—that of Indi
Military engagements between India and Japan have been on a steady growth path that mirrors the shared political and strategic goals of Delhi and Tokyo.
Tokyo has acknowledged that a Chinese invasion of Taiwan would be “an emergency situation” for Japan and has stepped up engagement accordingly.
The four-point agreement that was worked out by State Councillor Yang Jichei and Japanese National Security Adviser Shotaro Yachi to enable the meeting between President Xi Jinping of China and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan indicates that Tokyo has walked the extra mile to assuage the Chinese.
At the recent seventh Japan-Mekong Summit in Tokyo in the first week of July, both Japan and the Mekong countries reiterated their resolve to implement an ambitious cooperation programme called New Tokyo Strategy 2015 for Mekong-Japan Cooperation for the three years covering 2016-18.
Tokyo's growing engagement with the countries of the region is a strong reflection of Japan's desire to play a greater role in regional security. As Beijing continues to take assertive and aggressive actions in the region, Tokyo has found a way to renew its partnerships with the key actors of the region.
Japan's new Prime Minister understands very well that peace and strategic stability in East Asia would depend on how effectively Japan and the US maintain their security alliance. And the Obama administration is supportive of Abe's moves and would be interested in initiating regular triangular security talks with Tokyo and Seoul.
India and Japan may soon reach an agreement on civil nuclear cooperation, even as Tokyo insists on New Delhi to sign the NPT, says Amb. Hirabayashi Hiroshi, former Japanese ambassador to India and the present President of Japan-India Association.
While New Delhi’s desire to cultivate closer defense ties with Tokyo is clear, its overall strategic approach is much less so.
The expanding engagement with the Japanese navy, one of the strongest in the world, should give a boost to India's maritime diplomacy in Asia. If New Delhi's interests in the Pacific are growing, Tokyo's naval profile in the Indian Ocean has begun to expand.
As a trusted bellwether in the international arena, Japan must vigorously promote the FOIP and FOIO to forge a consensus with a large circle of states
Japan’s commitment to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific and its assessment of the changing global strategic environment have driven Tokyo to a new path-b
A detailed study of Japan's role in the peace settlement of the Cambodian issue is important as it was one of the earliest political efforts made by Tokyo in a region which had been known for its antipathy to Japan due to the strong historical memories of the Second World War. Southeast Asia posed one of the most serious challenges to Japan's post-war diplomacy which had to wrestle not only with the bitter legacies of the war, but also with the r
Enabling a stable Asian strategic framework to the mutual benefit of both New Delhi and Tokyo should be a compelling factor for both prime ministers, Mr Narendra Modi and Mr Shinzo Abe.
Disregarding opposition from the local population in Okinawa, Tokyo continues to state that it will go ahead with its current base relocation plan to Henoko. Tokyo and Washington should comprehend that when constructing a military base in a democratic country, the popular will and voices of local citizens should be carefully considered and heard.
Despite plans for a Tokyo liaison office being on hold for now, NATO cooperation with the Indo-Pacific4 is likely to deepen
India today is much better placed to deal with the emerging rivalry between Beijing and Tokyo. On the economic front, Modi should eagerly seek cooperation from both sides. Commercial competition between Tokyo and Beijing, for example on high-speed railways, should work to India's advantage.
