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It is fashionable in China today to speak of a 'new model' of great power relations, indeed of international relations as a whole. Applying this approach to India-China relations offers some interesting insights. Both at an abstract and practical level, the three propositions that constitute this 'new model' appear unexceptionable.

Since Narendra Modi came to power in 2014, the Indian prime minister and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzo Abe, have been instrumental in what has been the most dramatic leap forward in India-Japan bilateral relations. While the two countries have made strides in strengthening cooperation in recent years, there are limitations that need to be overcome. This brief examines the challenges that remain in the relationship, including their sub-par bila

This paper argues that even when the India-Japan-Australia minilateral is inspired by a need to ensure their interests against the current global power transition, it remains limited in its aim: to restrain China from achieving regional hegemony as it may threaten the liberal security order in the region. In the face of China’s rise and the US’ retrenchment, Asia’s regional powers are hedging their bets on a regional security order that is

Prachanda’s visit highlights the two countries willingness to move beyond contentious issues and focus on mutually beneficial aspects

The India-Russia military technical relationship has withstood the test of time. Despite strains since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the relationship has remained highly critical both in terms of the level of trust between the two states and the imperatives of sustaining a military-technical relationship to counter the growth of Chinese power. A more synergistic military-technical is possible, and Moscow and New Delhi must explore ways to con

The dynamics of the India-US relationship under the Trump administration bear significantly on the two countries’ security partnership. This relationship, however, is being challenged by President Donald Trump’s increasingly apparent transactional worldview. As witnessed in the case of the United States’ relations with its allies and partners across Europe and Asia, Trump has often linked US defence commitments and partner nations’ securi

The Indian polity appears to be in a state of drift as the established political parties, oblivious to the problems of the country and its people, are currently engaged in game of power.The political class, as a whole losing credibility, is being widely perceived as "loud mouths",

For almost two years now, or nearly two-third of the ruling UPA-II's time in power, the two Houses of Parliament have been witnessing logjams, walkouts and adjournments with very little legislative business being conducted.

The Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, which was sworn-in on May 26, has completed 100 days in power.

Are national parties on decline? Can a non-Congress, non-BJP coalition come to power in New Delhi after the next General Elections due in 2014? Or even before, if a political crisis or coalition-accident leads to mid-term elections?

India may well be considered a middle power aspiring to be a great power of global importance. India¿s ruling class has successfully shrugged off its initial aversion to perceive power as a category having a place of its own outside the ideological fortress of morality.

Not recruiting from civilian and scientific talent pools risks a ‘failure of imagination’, hindering India’s ability to pre-empt previously unanticipated dangers.

Contemporary seabed warfare in Europe should be viewed as a warning for Indian Ocean littoral states, especially sophisticated regional maritime powers such as India and Australia. The Ukraine–Russia conflict has brought seabed warfare to the fore, as seabed critical infrastructure is once again the target of international conflict. This brief surveys European seabed warfare developments since 2021, how various European actors are responding, a

While China currently enjoys enormous power in the Indo-Pacific region, a more assertive India could potentially challenge this status quo.

Nuclear cooperation has brought a new dimension to India’s diplomacy in the 21st century. India’s status as a responsible nuclear power is predicated upon the civil relationships in the nuclear domain that it has established with major powers. This, despite not being a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and operating outside the ambit of the Nuclear Suppliers Group. This brief analyses the impact of key agreements with different count

India has a role to play in global climate diplomacy, with its large population, fast-growing economy, and vulnerabilities to the consequences of climate change. Utilising a review of existing literature, this brief evaluates the country’s involvement in international climate forums in the past decade, its negotiation strategies and policy coherence, and their effectiveness. It finds that India’s strategy for climate diplomacy has aimed for a

Coal India Ltd. (CIL) has not been able to supply the committed quantity of coal to the powerproducers, forcing them to source coal from other countries. Apart from this, many coal blockswhich should have been in operation by now are yet to come on-stream.

In the past decade, India has successfully demonstrated the three pillars of effective deterrence—capability, credibility, and communication—in its strategic posture towards China. It has bolstered its defence diplomacy with key partners in South Asia and Southeast Asia, and across the broader Indo-Pacific region, through regular joint military exercises, military officers exchange programmes, frequent high-level diplomatic visits, and the co

Maldivian President Yameen Abdullah Gayoom’s rejection of the Supreme Court’s decision to release the jailed opposition leaders to ensure a free and fair presidential elections later this year has brought to head the country’s brewing estrangement with its traditional ally, India. India faces a dilemma: How must it deal with the situation in Maldives? This report examines India’s options in the context of China’s expanding power in the

The Bay of Bengal region is more than a channel for commerce — it has become an arena for power projection.

The Bay of Bengal region is more than a channel for commerce — it has become an arena for power projection.

With a modern diplomatic history going back to Gandhi and Nehru, India views its role in the Middle East as a supporter of multiple powers. But how long can India’s commitment to a multipolar Middle East continue?

The paper examines how the Nuclear Suppliers Group has evolved over the years and the role the Group defines for itself. It also attempts to provide a more nuanced understanding of the consequences of India's NSG-membership.

The United Nations Security Council has emerged as the key arena and barometer for evaluating the promise and progress of accommodating new, rising powers in the international system. The case of India provides one of the best examples of a rising power coming to terms with its increased power, role and expectations of itself and of other powers, great and small, in negotiating its place in the reformed Council as a permanent member. This paper b

The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in August 2021 changed the strategic dynamics in the region. For India, the new regime and its attendant risks—especially the threat of terrorism—quickly put it in an unenviable position. This brief assesses India’s policy towards Afghanistan since August 2021. It will cover how India has articulated its Afghan policy, domestically and in multilateral organisations, and its incremental

Delhi wants to remain an Eurasian power, swinging between East and West according to its priorities. Its military ties with Moscow. The economic importance of Beijing. America as a strategic counterweight – as long as it works.

This paper explains Russian co-option of India into the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) at a high level of participation in September 2019 and the range of agreements involved. It argues that the co-option was the result of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s dissatisfaction with the economic outcomes so far for the Russian Far East of “northeast Asian regional cooperation.” Moscow related this behaviour to skewed priorities of East Asia’s �

Indonesia’s upcoming general elections will see a rematch between incumbent President Joko Widodo (commonly called ‘Jokowi’) and his long-time rival, retired lieutenant general Prabowo Subianto. This paper examines the potential impact of the elections on Indonesia’s foreign policy, especially on the country’s maritime relations with India and other major powers. In the 2014 elections, the Visi-Misi (or election manifesto) of the incumb

India's North-East remains a challenge for the policy makers. Keeping together this diverse region, which is home to more than 250 tribes, speaking more than 190 languages and dialects, and addressing the long drawn conflicts to preserve ethnic identities and over land and other resources is an arduous task. Recent months have witnessed a lot of debate on the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) introduced by the Central Government to counter

‘Invest in Women: Accelerate Progress’ is the theme of this year’s International Women’s Day. This is a clarion call with particular resonance for India given the barriers to women’s economic participation. Imagine the extraordinary economic tailwinds that can be generated for India if these barriers are dismantled and women have access to capital and technology and supportive public policy frameworks

In response to their experience of western colonialism, countries like China and India have sought to develop their own, indigenous and autonomous technology base. China, in the last 30 years, has succeeded in this endeavour, becoming a major manufacturing power and adopting policies to develop and market its own technologies. Such success, however, is not without critics. Developed countries, especially the US which is its principal trading part

Amid growing Saudi concerns about the shifting Middle East balance of power in favour of Iran, Pakistan is walking the tight rope between Riyadh, a close ally, and Tehran, an important neighbour.

Iran and the major powers have reached a very preliminary and extremely vague agreement on principles for an agreement, released in the form of a brief joint statement of less than 500 words. Whether this 'agreement about an agreement' would lead to an actual deal is anybody's guess, but it's not going to be easy.

The American justification that delaying any possible Iranian nuclear weapon programme is itself a benefit might be short-sighted because the balance of power will have shifted in Iran?s favour by then.

Tehran is using the opportunity to send a strategic message to other powers in the region and beyond.

Senator John Kerry has been at pains to convince his Iranian counterpart that the Congressional act of voting on April 14 to appropriate to itself the power to reject the final deal is merely symbolic and President Obama can easily over-ride these hurdles. But what it reveals is an ugly side of the Congressmen who still live in a world of 'sanctioning' the rest.

It may not be the story that Paul Bremer or Iyyad Allawi would want to muse over for their grandchildren: ¿I was among the handful there...¿ Yet, that¿s truth about power-transfer in Iraq, America¿s testing-ground for western democracy in the feudalistic Gulf Arab region living in a decadent past.

The eviction of Muslim Brotherhood from power in Cairo may have significant implications on the course of the civil war in Syria too. The shape of regional politics has definitely taken a new turn.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, within eight months of coming to power, has gone about strengthening India's relations with Japan, Australia and the US, in what seems to be a well laid out plan with a clear agenda.

With the ongoing multi-polarisation of global politics, new powers would emerge which would in turn increase global insecurity and lead to a greater demand for nuclear weapons even by the countries that as of now do not possess them, cautioned Prof. Rajesh Rajagopalan during an ORF roundtable on nuclear non proliferation.

Though the Constitution framers were themselves divided on the issue of federalism, yet a healthy compromise was arrived at which ensured a balance of power between the Centre and states.

On November 3, the White House turned red once more.When the men, and women, in blue were finally convinced that George W Bush was going to reoccupy the most powerful chair in the world, a chunk of the deeply divided America groaned loudly. Joining them in their crib was, apparently, the rest of the world.

In defeating Irom Sharmila, the voters of Manipur have demonstrated their opposition to her call for the revocation of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act from the State. It also exposes human rights activists of all hues

Given the history of India-Israel ties, not much will change regardless of the government in power in New Delhi

The recent shift by the Middle East prioritising geoeconomics over the Palestinian issue could suffer a setback. The crisis ignited by Hamas highlights that the gap between top-heavy policy decisions and groundswell public opinions, movements, and crisis points need to be addressed by regional powers to ensure long-term sustainability of economic cooperation programmes

Until 2009, India was regarded as one of the most stringent opponents of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) norm; it was, historically, a staunch advocate of a state-centred Westphalian system. But India's position has always been more complex and nuanced in all respects. Since 2009, the fundamental change that has taken place is also quite remarkable. This change can partly be accounted for by India’s noteworthy, but still ongoing trans

We need to do a few things to bring normalcy in Kashmir that go beyond tourism statistics. We need to keep Pakistan out of the equation. We need to genuinely empower the elected government and allow the State to be governed from Srinagar and not from Delhi.

The rise, if you want to call it that, of another Asian power on the flanks of China, one which also has difficulties with Beijing, is to India's advantage. New Delhi is not unaware of the geopolitical benefits.