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The case for India’s membership to the APEC is not as sound as it seems at first glance. Two gaps exist that must be squared away by both India and existing APEC member economies.
If Obama's mandate is any guide, America is about to move to a softer, more socialised capitalist framework in which the people's welfare will be at the centre of policymaking. In a sense, America may be heading the European way in terms of pursuing social market policy.
India’s engagement in the Arctic has evolved from a primarily scientific focus to one increasingly shaped by geopolitical and strategic considerations. However, this shift highlights an inconsistency in India’s strategic decision-making: while New Delhi seeks to help shape a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific by working with like-minded democracies, its Arctic strategy remains largely anchored in cooperation with Russia, whose actions in U
The global shortage in semiconductors that occurred during the Covid-19 pandemic, resulted in heavy losses for many economic sectors. The fragility of the supply chain and the innate dependencies within, have made semiconductor collaboration essential to maintain the industry’s efficiency. This brief examines how semiconductors have become a fulcrum for building potential technology alliances. It outlines ongoing diplomatic initiatives
This report builds on the discussions during the 5th ORF Kalpana Chawla Space Policy Dialogue 2019 organised by ORF. The report has three sections: the first covers questions of strategy in space; the second discusses policy dimensions; and the final one explores the role of private enterprises in the space domain. While some sections may include global perspectives, the report views the various challenges in space primarily from an Indian standp
This brief seeks to apply ancient Indian strategic thought in the study of the country’s contemporary maritime relations. It argues that India should shift its maritime strategy from a largely continental posture to one that focuses on the country’s maritime mandala. Using concepts from the ancient Indian political treatise, Arthashastra, this brief contends that a “return of history” via the Indo-Pacific, and re-emerging multipolarity, r
The Manmohan Singh government has placed high stakes on a new diplomatic breakthrough with Bangladesh, and therefore should constantly look for ways to top up cooperation for fear of reviving Sheikh Hasina's retrograde opponents
Has India’s free trade agreement with the 10-member Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) spurred India Inc.’s globalising drive eastwards? This region, after all, has recently emerged as a major destination for investments from Japan – which is widening its options due to its conflicts with China – and the US, with its so-called ‘pivot to Asia’. India’s Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with ASEAN, which kicked off in January 20
The Modi government can choose to be part of a massive Indo-Pacific trading bloc, or succumb to isolationism. China complicates the choice.
New infrastructure built by India in Mauritius demonstrates New Delhi’s commitment to cementing its security presence in the IOR.
India supports freedom of speech and expression in Internet. But, security is equally important to India, and terrorism is a huge problem. Therefore, a secure architecture should recognise the role that the state can play, says the Indian Minister for Communication and Technology.
India has a range of interests to protect in Afghanistan. For far too long New Delhi’s reliance on Washington’s role as a security provider has been its major vulnerability.
The launch is certainly a major mark on India’s space programme, offering an appropriate closing to a tumultuous period in ISRO’s history.
Observers in New Delhi profess mixed feelings — some joy for Australia, but more commiseration with France
India’s growing interests in Central Asia are well recognised.
If Xi does not mend fences, Delhi will continue to frame policies assuming the worst about Beijing’s intentions
Unless India accelerates the pace of the physical border infrastructure build-up, New Delhi will face serious difficulties in any future confrontation with China.
The Jammu and Kashmir problem has imposed heavy political, diplomatic and military costs on India for the last 63 years. It has excessively conditioned our external relations, with much of our diplomacy occupied over the years with explaining to other countries our position on J&K, warding off criticism,
Around the world, nuclear energy has taken a back seat because of the risks that reactors bring with them.
Putting New Delhi and Beijing in the same bracket as drivers of South-South Cooperation is incorrect
Standing on the foundations of growth and its future potential, some economies are more vulnerable — and some more valuable — than others. India stands on the valuable stack.
Long sidelined by Islamabad, Moscow, and Beijing, New Delhi is finally taking a seat at the table.
The naval arm of the nuclear triad is especially significant for India given its no-first use (NFU) nuclear posture.
India is assuming the leadership of SCO and G20. While the two groupings have divergent goals, Delhi will need to ensure that the concerns of developing nations are not ignored. An assertive foreign policy that seeks to shape and steer conversations will help
Worse, by attacking the social fabric of the country, the Hindutva groups are laying the ground for greater insecurity in the future.
Given President Trump's personal predilections, India should also be ready to fight its own battles.
With India voting in favour of the anti-Sri Lanka resolution at the UN Human Rights Council, Delhi finds itself in a precarious position in Colombo vis-à-vis Beijing. Worse, it's likely to make the lives of Tamils more difficult in the island nation.
Beyond personalities and politics, there is one basic question we need to ask ourselves: Why even 66 years after independence, is New Delhi's influence in its region shrinking instead of expanding?
New Delhi has learnt over the years that direct intervention often comes at a price. Sometimes, it is worth playing the longer game rather.
India simply cannot afford to alienate the government in Male given China's growing reach. The President of Maldives was in China in October last year when Beijing announced a $500-million economic assistance for it. New Delhi views Maldives as central to the emerging strategic landscape in the Indian Ocean.
India and Australia are at the centre of a strategic flux in the Indo-Pacific.
India is quite advanced in refugee protection as compared to many signatories of the 1951 Refugee Convention, according to chief of mission of the UNHCR, India. Even when refugee protection comes into odds with national security, India has managed to provide social security, education and medical security.
India must quickly come to terms with the fact that Vietnam’s concerns on the looming security crisis in the South China Sea will lead Hanoi to search for new partners.
India's best course is the one that Prime Minister Modi is setting. This seeks to position India as a "swing state". On one hand, India has joined the New Development Bank, the AIIB and resisted American-led efforts to condemn Russia over Ukraine. On the other, it is actively wooing the US and its allies, Japan and Australia, in the Asia Pacific region.
India is a sovereign nation; is it digitally sovereign, too? This paper examines the degree to which India is self-reliant in electronic hardware. After all, for a country to be self-reliant in the information age, it has to either attain indigenous capability in electronic manufacturing and services or be equipped to protect data and mitigate the threats associated with supply chain vulnerabilities. This paper refers to self-reliance in electron
The two most-important objectives of foreign policy is ‘security’ — both external and internal — and ‘economy’.
In Bangladesh, there is a growing perception of misrule by the AL government even though Hasina has done a lot for the economic and infrastructural development of the nation.
A pragmatic problem solving approach to the India-US trade spat is likely to yield New Delhi much greater dividends than an openly confrontational one
Monetising the skills of the female workforce will address gender inequality and boost the 'Make in India' campaign.
It is incumbent upon India to ensure that all possible assistance is being extended to the Bhutanese people.