Search

It has never been a better time and never before has India come with this much strength to the negotiating table. In the end, reaffirmation and recalibration of Russia' role in India's future was prominent and the short and successful summit was capped by perhaps another nuclear submarine for India and a doctorate for Prime Minister Singh.

New Delhi and Paris have a lot in common in terms of their strategic perspectives on a free, open, inclusive, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

Al-Qaida has put Pakistan at the top of its priorities. Its leaders judge Pakistan as the most vulnerable country for them to hijack, while independent estimates by security and intelligence officials suggest that Pakistan has the capability to add 8-10 China-model low-yield nuclear weapons in its kitty every year.

Observers in New Delhi profess mixed feelings — some joy for Australia, but more commiseration with France

The naval arm of the nuclear triad is especially significant for India given its no-first use (NFU) nuclear posture.

The talk on India's participation at the Nuclear Suppliers Group has initiated a discourse on the future of the Group, with particular reference to the Group's relationship with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

The Indian Government's ratification on June 23 of the IAEA Additional Protocol, which is essentially a component of the Indo-US civil nuclear deal, will allow the international nuclear body to monitor India's civilian nuclear programme with ease.

If Putin and Manmohan Singh want to capture some of the magic of the past, it is imperative to look beyond government-to-government ties and engage the private sector as well as civil society. The India-Russia relationship is not only about defence or nuclear issues but about people.

The Paper makes a critical appraisal of India-Pakistan relations and explores their future trajectory in the aftermath of the Mumbai terrorist attack of November 2008. The rising tide of terrorism within Pakistan after 9/11 and the importance of South Asia to the United States made Pakistan selectively withdraw support to terrorist groups. This, in turn, helped India's efforts to initiate the Composite Dialogue in 2004.

The Integrated Defence Staff released the first-ever public joint doctrine for the Indian armed forces (JDIAF-2017) in April 2017. Absent a publicly articulated national security strategy, the joint doctrine presents important clues about what that strategy might be. This paper examines JDIAF-2017 in conjunction with other Indian military doctrines, public writings of leading Indian strategists, as well as foreign military doctrines and strategie

The paper examines how the Nuclear Suppliers Group has evolved over the years and the role the Group defines for itself. It also attempts to provide a more nuanced understanding of the consequences of India's NSG-membership.

The paper analyses small satellite activities within India in various institutions and identifies the opportunities as well as the gaps.

On 25th February, the US National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley said, ¿We would expect those negotiations will continue by phone, document and the like, probably up through the President¿s visit.¿ The Indo US nuclear deal is not over: it has entered the last few hours of hard bargaining.

With U.S. domestic politics calling President Biden home early, the Quad capitalized on their visits to Hiroshima for the G-7 to meet on May 20.

Making his first public speech since being elected President, Mahmoud Ahmadinezad said in Mashhad on July 21 that he would not allow a violation of Iran's legal rights on peaceful use of nuclear technology. He reaffirmed that Iran would never pursue weapons of mass destruction.

Making his first public speech since being elected President, Mahmoud Ahmadinezad said in Mashhad on July 21 that he would not allow a violation of Iran's legal rights on peaceful use of nuclear technology. He reaffirmed that Iran would never pursue weapons of mass destruction.

While the nuclear negotiations between Iran and the P5+1 are on track and when Iran is conceding most of the demands, why should there be an explosion in a crucial Iranian nuclear site, that too a missiles and munitions centre -- Parchin.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is currently investigating Iran's nuclear program, especially the possibility that Pakistan helped it with substantial transfers of technology and materials in the past. There has been no conclusive evidence so far, except for a piece of evidence that Pakistan

Need to put the Iranian nuclear programme in perspective

I read with great interest your article titled "THE COMING WARS: What the Pentagon can now do in secret" carried by the "New Yorker" in its issue dated January 24, 2005, which is already on sale. The article is about US preparations for a possible covert operation against Iran's suspected military nuclear installations set up with Pakistani complicity.

With the ongoing multi-polarisation of global politics, new powers would emerge which would in turn increase global insecurity and lead to a greater demand for nuclear weapons even by the countries that as of now do not possess them, cautioned Prof. Rajesh Rajagopalan during an ORF roundtable on nuclear non proliferation.

Many are agnostic to Modi, some may even be sympathetic. Why are they nonplussed?

Now that Pakistan has admitted that its scientists were involved in the transfer of nuclear technology,1 three major issues/questions need to be studied and analyzed. Is the problem over for General Musharraf or is it a new beginning of another round of problems? How will the Opposition react? What would be the US response?

Japan is facing extremely dangerous situation in North East Asia where North Korea is developing nuclear weapons. It is also witnessing China's excessive assertiveness in the East China Sea and the South China Sea. So, situations like these will influence the way Japan will shape its security policy, says eminent Japanese scholar Prof. Shinichi Kitaoka.

India's top military experts say the lack of clarity and differentiation between conventional and nuclear missiles in the 2nd Artillery Corps of the Chinese army (PLA) is a cause of concern for India. They also point out that there exists a lack of discussion on Chinese cyber capabilities or its command and control structures.

Throughout the 1990s, the Anglo-US duo remained obsessed with India's nuclear plans and virtually refused any discussions on Pakistani assistance to terrorism in India. The US also did succeed in delaying our missile programme even as they equipped Pakistan with nuclear capable F-16s.

Nuclear weapons cannot be a panacea for tackling security challenges to India’s sovereignty

A nightmare scenario facing the world today is that of nuclear weapons in the possession of terrorists. As US President George Bush remarked during his recent UK trip, ¿the greatest threat of our age is nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons in the hands of terrorists.¿ Terrorist groups, as they have proved time and again in the past with conventional weapons

After a groundbreaking visit to India, which focused on strengthening the Indo-US ¿strategic partnership¿, US Secretary of State Colin Powell was supposed to take a tough message to Pakistan¿s Gen. Musharraf. Nuclear proliferation and Pakkistan¿s reluctance to clean up its tribal areas were slated to be on the cards in

Former Prime Minister Vajpayee¿s government may not have left India shining, but to its credit, it notched up several major achievements on the national security font. Foremost among these was declaring India a nuclear weapons state, a move that unquestionably enhanced India¿s quest for strategic autonomy.

Today, world powers are debating a regime to regulate outer Space activities. India cannot let itself be left out of any Space regime as happened over nuclear weapons. In order to be heard in the discussions of any new rule-making effort, India needs to demonstrate its capabilities in Space research and technology, something that the Mangalyaan amply did.

From all reports, it is quite clear that the Japanese PM's Delhi visit would mainly be devoted to consolidate the partnership and draw up a fresh road map for future developments. The much anticipated agreement on civil nuclear cooperation is not likely to happen during the current visit.

Tel Aviv doesn’t seem to have any political endgame beyond the destruction of its adversaries. But without a political strategy, battlefield gains won’t amount to much

On March 9, 2004, Pakistan test fired solid propellant Shaheen-2 ballistic missile, which is supposed to be capable of carrying a nuclear warhead upto a range of 2500 kilometers. The aim of the test as stated officially was ¿to ensure the reach of the missile was sufficient to deter aggression and prevent military coercion¿. The speculations -or unstated aims- of the test were

In the past, India avoided talking to major powers like the US and Europe on the Middle East. Modi has hinted at a change in this approach by taking forthright positions on terrorism, nuclear proliferation and other controversial issues during his visit to the US.

Earlier this month, India and Russia took stock of the bilateral relationship in a range of sectors, including civil nuclear, trade and investments.

The most significant challenge for the world though is the nuclear sabre-rattling that Russia’s top leadership is engaged in.

There are no free lunches in international politics. LEMOA is thus a 'fair' exchange for the US backing India on civil nuclear deal.

नाटो ने भी पुतिन को ललकारा है. NATO का कहना है कि वह एक इंच जमीन भी रूस के पास नहीं रहने देगा. इसके लिए चाहे जिस स्‍तर पर जाना पड़ा. ऐसे में सवाल है कि क्‍या इस युद्ध का रास्‍ता परमा

While the Chinese have kept us embroiled with their visa tactics in Arunachal, intrusions in Ladakh as part of an unsettled boundary issue, and nuclear plants to Pakistan, they have long endeavoured to seek access and presence south of the Himalayas. They appear to be succeeding in Nepal.

The Iran nuclear deal could mark a strategic realignment between the US and its traditional Sunni allies in the region. The Arab countries have been vocal in criticising Washington's policies in Egypt, Syria and Iraq, which they say have given an upper hand to "Iranian allies".

The Indian Army is more than a match for its Pakistani counterpart, but tardy modernisation means it has little punching power. Plus, there dangles the threat of a nuclear response.

The US threats and its troop presence in South Korea are alleged to have contributed to North Korean insecurity, but its drive to develop more nuclear weaponry cannot be understood without taking into account domestic dynamics. To bring about a genuine change in North Korea's behaviour, its internal dynamics will have to be considered.

The Indo-US nuclear deal has been signed. The next step is to get it passed through the US Congress and the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). This also entails amending the laws, so that India can receive the same benefits as those states that are a party to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT).

The absence of a standard formulation on the no-first-use of nuclear weapons in the latest Chinese defence white paper has raised questions about a likely evolution in Beijing's nuclear doctrine.

The Trump administration is egging China on to take action against its proxy, using its considerable leverage with the North Korean regime.

China has to recognise that North Korean actions are triggering several developments that are not necessarily in the interests of China - like the major debates in Japan on becoming proactive in defending themselves, including the option of nuclearisation. Can a nuclearised East Asia be ruled out in the next decade if Pyongyang continues on the same path?

North Korea is among the states that stand out for their often defiant behaviour, divergent from typical diplomatic niceties and non-compliant with widely accepted international liberal norms and rules. This ‘uniqueness’ is seen, for instance, in the country’s nuclear weapons development programme, which has been the object of global attention since the early 1990s. North Korea has now extended this behaviour to the cyber domain, marked by