Youth are vital for the progress and success of a nation. Most of the United Nations’ (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) focus on the youth, identifying them as a critical national demographic and highlighting the need for investing in them. With
66 percent of its population (808 million) below the age of 35, India has the world’s largest youth population. Despite the estimated decline in the numbers, India will still remain a relatively ‘young’ country in 2030, with
24 percent of its population (365 million) in the 15-29 age group. At a time when several countries across Europe, the United States and even China are grappling with the twin problems of an ageing population and declining youth, how India nurtures its youth population will determine its future growth trajectory.
With 66 percent of its population (808 million) below the age of 35, India has the world’s largest youth population.
To maximise the potential gains from this “most dynamic and vibrant segment” of the population, the Government of India’s Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports drafted
the National Youth Policy (NYP) 2021, envisaging a 10-year vision for youth development by 2030. The draft followed a comprehensive review of the existing NYP 2014.
NYP through the years
India’s first NYP was drafted in 1988 and subsequently updated in
2003,
2014 and
2021. With each iteration, the government’s policy priorities have developed in more innovative and sustainable directions—advancing from ideals to more concrete outcomes for tangible youth empowerment and participation in shaping the fundamental aspects of India’s growth in the 21
st century. For example, NYP 2003 primarily aimed to instil a sense of
patriotism and morality-oriented values in the youth. It focused on respect for all religious faiths, beliefs and socio-cultural values to promote national unity and integrity. The policy also mentioned gender justice, acknowledging that gender bias was “the main factor” responsible for the poor health and socio-economic well-being of women. However, NYP 2003’s gender justice vision was not backed by any specific programmes or action plans.
The policy also mentioned gender justice, acknowledging that gender bias was “the main factor” responsible for the poor health and socio-economic well-being of women.
In comparison, NYP 2014 was considerably better composed. Revising the youth age group from NYP 2003’s 13-35 to 15-29 to “provide a more focused approach” to youth development and empowerment,” it identified five objectives and 11 priority action areas, including mental health and substance abuse, to achieve those objectives. NYP 2014 also emphasised equal access to education, life-long learning, vocational education, and skill development of the youth. Despite its forward-looking stance, the policy draft
attracted criticism for its lack of elaboration for specific action plans and its “disconnect” with ground realities.
On the other hand, NYP 2021 primarily focuses on holistic development and sustainability. The policy is aligned with the UN SDGs, mainly encompassing quality education, reduced inequalities, decent work and economic growth. From encouraging participation in sports and creating a more modern and holistic school curriculum to financial, legal, and digital literacy to plans to provide mental health assistance and include the youth in policy and decision-making—NYP 2021’s scope is more comprehensive than the earlier policy iterations. It encompasses all the critical aspects of health and wellbeing, education and society, and the importance of the youth in the workforce for India’s holistic growth and advancement. Still, it lacks a clear-cut roadmap for implementation through the diverse state mechanisms.
The policy is aligned with the UN SDGs, mainly encompassing quality education, reduced inequalities, decent work and economic growth.
Challenges to NYP 2021
Expansive in its coverage, NYP 2021’s focus on the reintegration of NEET youth (youth not in education, employment, or training) is of critical significance. It recommends creating plans and initiatives to help reintegrate such youth but without any specific timelines or schemes delineating a pathway. However, such reintegration of NEET youth will only yield results if India can generate equal job opportunities. This target looks difficult, given that India’s unemployment rate stood at
23.2 percent in 2022. Perhaps, a way to provide employment would be by absorbing much of the trained NEET youth into government programmes sourcing the educators required domestically, and providing employment opportunities to a considerable portion of such youth. Still, NYP 2021 doesn’t specify any pathways.
NYP 2021’s other shortcoming is its unstated assumption that all of India’s youth have equal access to education, skilling, and employment. The policy overlooks the considerable diversity within India’s young population, where only a tiny proportion of the youth capitalise on their social, cultural and economic standing to actualise aspirations and access better occupational opportunities and mobility. In contrast, a vast majority of the youth population represents the socially and economically disadvantaged sections and encounters enormous challenges to achieving sustainable livelihoods. These diversities increase manifold for urban youth migrants. Given that 5.6 million students
dropped out from secondary schooling during the COVID-19 pandemic years in 2020-21 and that
30 percent of the youth between the ages of 15-29 were ‘NEE’T in 2019—57 percent of which were women—such an assumption of ‘equal access’ could dilute the essence of the policy.
A vast majority of the youth population represents the socially and economically disadvantaged sections and encounters enormous challenges to achieving sustainable livelihoods.
Economic migration, discrimination, early marriages and other societal barriers are identified as the
symptoms causing dropouts. However, the exclusive engagement of NEP 2021 with these symptomatic problems treats dropouts as a personal problem that could be solved by “school-community-parents partnerships”, “counselling”, and “merit-based bank loans”, while overlooking the inherent structural barriers in the education system. Additionally,
60 percent of students without internet access will likely derail the policy's recommendation to rethink "the traditional modes of teaching" by leveraging technology to "enhance access to education for those physically unable to attend schools or colleges due to distance or disability.”
The policy also assumes an ideal scenario with an optimum synergy of centre-state relations and a high level of coordination between the various ministries and government departments. Besides the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports, its scope concerns the ministries of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, Rural Development; Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises; Finance, Health and Family Welfare; Education; Skill Development and Entrepreneurship; Science and Technology; Social Justice and Empowerment, among others, and a plethora of departments under each of them. Moreover, policy implementation will also need active coordination with and support from non-state stakeholders, NGOs, youth organisations and most importantly, the private sector. Put through a reality check, NYP 2021’s implementation might prove to be its biggest challenge.
The policy also assumes an ideal scenario with an optimum synergy of centre-state relations and a high level of coordination between the various ministries and government departments.
NYP 2021 presents a promising and forward-looking vision for the empowerment of India’s youth constituency that will propel India’s domestic growth and enhance its international clout in the 21
st century. However, in the absence of a clear implementation strategy and detailed action plan, the future of the policy looks complicated. Losing this opportunity to mainstream India’s ‘Amrit Peedhi’ in the ‘Amrit Kaal’ is something that India can ill-afford.
Ishita Kaur Mishra is an intern with the Mumbai Centre of the Observer Research Foundation
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