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MoEF, on the one hand, abruptly enforces the 'no-go' rule on 203 coal blocks with a potential output of 660 million tonne of coal per annum, jeopardising power generation, while on the other, it talks about developmental needs taking precedence over environmental and safety concerns when it comes to nuclear power plants.

A study conducted by Observer Research Foundation in 2014-15 found that India has a fairly strong nuclear security policy.

Nuclear cooperation has brought a new dimension to India’s diplomacy in the 21st century. India’s status as a responsible nuclear power is predicated upon the civil relationships in the nuclear domain that it has established with major powers. This, despite not being a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and operating outside the ambit of the Nuclear Suppliers Group. This brief analyses the impact of key agreements with different count

India seeks to join the Nuclear Suppliers Group with the objective of playing a more proactive role in the nuclear non-proliferation realm. Political issues remain, however, particularly with regard to its status outside the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. This brings to fore questions on the relationship between the Treaty and the Group with regard to their scope, mandate and membership. An assessment of prospective benefits

Our hypersonic Shaurya and canisterized Agni capabilities aim to preserve strategic deterrence and thus maintain stability

India needs to reassess its nuclear doctrine sooner or later, current debates notwithstanding.

On Pakistan, India should be more willing to use conventional military options and call out Pakistan’s nuclear bluff

The security of nuclear and radiological materials is a critical global issue due to the growing number of existing and emerging threats in the nuclear domain. Within the broad domain of nuclear security, several challenges and threats—such as the physical protection of nuclear materials, insider threat, transportation security, and cyber threats—have raised concerns among governments and the international community. This report focuses on th

As part of the Indo-Pak Composite Dialogue process, the two countries will hold official-level talks in nuclear confidence building measures (CBMs) on June 19-20, 2004. This is a welcome development since the last round of such discussions was held at the ill-fated Lahore summit in February 1999, even though the CBMs agreed upon were rather general in nature and, at least in spirit, the Pakistan army was not a willing party to them.

The Observer Research Foundation hosted at round-table discussion on the Indo-US Nuclear Deal of July 18, 2005 to look at the hurdles that are being faced in its implementation. Since the agreement was signed, it has been the subject of intense debate and varied interpretation by interested groups in both the countries.

Insider threats targeting nuclear plants have always been a concern. A stressful pandemic exacerbates those existing risks.

Iran and the major powers have reached a very preliminary and extremely vague agreement on principles for an agreement, released in the form of a brief joint statement of less than 500 words. Whether this 'agreement about an agreement' would lead to an actual deal is anybody's guess, but it's not going to be easy.

Though Iran and P5+1 negotiators have only agreed upon the parameters for the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and the "implementation details" are yet to be worked out, this nevertheless is a significant step.

From a non-proliferation perspective, the Iran nuclear deal is a good one provided it is complied with. A lot will depend on Iran?s adherence to the commitments under the deal but it is difficult to have much faith in Iranian commitments because of its repeated failures in the past. And, from a regional security perspective, the deal is disastrous.

The American justification that delaying any possible Iranian nuclear weapon programme is itself a benefit might be short-sighted because the balance of power will have shifted in Iran?s favour by then.

Senator John Kerry has been at pains to convince his Iranian counterpart that the Congressional act of voting on April 14 to appropriate to itself the power to reject the final deal is merely symbolic and President Obama can easily over-ride these hurdles. But what it reveals is an ugly side of the Congressmen who still live in a world of 'sanctioning' the rest.

Being a pragmatist, Iranian President Rouhani simply accepted the reality and made a deal, that ensured Iran's respect and dignity and gave relief to his people. His next 100 days will be equally crucial and that may bring about tectonic changes in the region.

A significant thaw is happening in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Once Saudi Arabia decides to mend its ties with Iran, the US should hardly have any reason to go on punishing Iran. In this scenario, it seems the resolution of Iran's nuclear negotiations is not far off.

Now, a lot depends on how the fourth Vienna meeting between Iran and the P5+1 goes and whether or not Iran is able to complete the set of actions it has agreed to under the Framework for Cooperation with the IAEA by the May 15 deadline.

The recently concluded fourth Vienna meeting, between Iran and P5+1, has revealed that Iran and the international community will have to cross the major hurdles for the successful conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear deal.

The country has good reason to want first-strike capabilities. But the actual state of its arsenal suggests that it won’t get them.

The only way Japan can cope with the current nuclear crisis and emerge strong is by believing in, what critics called as, "idealistic" reforms and plans that may look "impractical" in the short run.

The key problem with offering NSG membership to Pakistan is its obstructionist approach. Pakistan will try to block any decision which it might think will be advantageous to India. Since the NSG functions on the principle of consensus, Pakistan's pursuit of parity with India will lead to a stalemate within the NSG.

Whether South Korea builds a nuclear bomb on its own or not, nuclear weapons are gaining greater importance in the national security thinking of many states in the Indo-Pacific.

One compelling reason for Japan to adopt the new energy policy was the Abe government's recognition that in the absence of nuclear energy, which accounted for 30% of the total electricity until recently, the country had to pay heavily for importing oil and gas from abroad.

The nuclear debate in Japan has given scope for fresh anxieties within the region and beyond about the country's nuclear programme, particularly its recycling programme of extracted plutonium from spent nuclear fuel.

India and Japan may soon reach an agreement on civil nuclear cooperation, even as Tokyo insists on New Delhi to sign the NPT, says Amb. Hirabayashi Hiroshi, former Japanese ambassador to India and the present President of Japan-India Association.

The recent decision by the government of Naoto Kan to denuclearise Japan by 2050, regardless of its naivete, has certain traits that could help in overhauling the political economy of Japan's energy sector.

India joins the regime at a time when export regulation of dual-use technology items have become increasingly complex.

A Pentagon report highlights a transformation in both the quantity and the quality of its arsenal, which India must note

Even if there is contention about the scope and prospective size of Beijing’s capabilities, India needs to be watchful

Through concerted attack on India from the usual suspects in recent days, India is first being made the whipping boy for the failure of the American non-proliferation lobby in their own country. Then it has to accept blame for the complex relations the U.S. shares with Pakistan and China that is driving these Asian allies to increase their arsenals. Can we get real, please?

After in-depth discussion at a roundtable on the nuclear liability bill, the participants agreed that the bill in its present form has several lacunas which need to be addressed. And, an effort could be made to make the bill comprehensive in its reach.

How have nuclear weapons affected Indian foreign policy? Has India been able to leverage its status as a nuclear weapons state to further its foreign policy objectives? This issue brief examines these questions by first analysing how India’s foreign policy objectives have been affected by its possession of nuclear weapons. It then posits two strategies that India can pursue to leverage its status as a nuclear weapons state. The first strategy d

While there are fears in both the US and China about each other on the nuclear issue, the platforms to resolve the issues and dispel hostile perceptions were limited, says Dr. Lora Saalman, Carnegie's Beijing-based Nuclear Policy Program scholar.

At the international summit on Terrorism, Democracy and Security held at Madrid from March 8 to 11,2005, which I attended, the foremost concern in the minds of the participants was the likelihood of an act of catastrophic terrorism involving the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

The impact of technological changes on nuclear risks needs to be addressed much more directly.

The question remains as to how the Modi government will choose to address nuclear liability issue, balancing both the supplier and the domestic concerns. Dilution of the Liability Act is not an option, which is an important lesson learnt globally.

The next Russian nuclear reactor plant is likely to come up in Andhra Pradesh, according to Russian Consul-General at Chennai Sergei Kotov. Initiating a discussion on "President Putin's Visit and India-Russia Relations" at ORF Chennai Chapter on January 3, Kotov confirmed that the next plant will not be constructed in Tamil Nadu.

The advancements that North Korea has made in terms of miniaturization of the nuclear device may be significant, particularly in the backdrop of long-range delivery vehicles. Having tested the longer-range missiles in recent months, threat to even the US has increased.