Moves and counter-moves in Indo-Pak relations, like in a game of chess, continue to leave the actors in a mood to fight further. However, unlike in a game of chess, no endgame seems to be in the offing. This vicious circle of moves, counter moves, stalemate, warmongering, dialogues and so on is a direct impact of a precarious lack of an ultimate solution to the basic issue in Indo-Pak relations. The spirit of self-righteousness and militant nationalism prevailing in both countries especially on the question of Kashmir have always restrained the leaders from coming out with innovative solutions. The future is unlikely to be radically different. It is almost impossible for any ruling dispensation in India to give up any part of Kashmir (currently part of the Indian Union) as such an option would be suicidal for any Indian political party. Pakistan's foreign policy, on the other hand, is essentially Indo-centric, and it is obsessed with Kashmir in such a manner that it can have no 'going back' from it. The key questions therefore are: can Pakistan disengage itself from its Kashmir rhetoric in a dignified manner? Can India go beyond giving up on Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and agreeing to turn the Line of Control (LoC) into international border? The answer to both the questions seem to be 'no', at least for the time being.
The recent Indian proposals to bring about some goodwill in the region by establishing a number of Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) and the Pakistani response to them may have to be seen in this background of a 'no final solution' to the Kashmir problem. While one might say that Kashmir is not the only problem between India and Pakistan, it is, however, the major problem.
The fact that Pakistan has always talked about a composite dialogue or wants to solve the problem of Kashmir first and then everything else is indicative of the fact that it does not want to solve the problem. The folly of the 'Kashmir-first' policy is that it assumes the validity of a 'top-down' approach in conflict resolution. The proponents of such a policy forget that in order to solve the 'core problem' one needs, first of all, to create an environment that is suitable for conflict resolution. We are not dealing with an electronic system where once the main switch is turned on, the supplementary systems can function. We are dealing with human beings, their emotions, feelings and so on. This is where CBMs gain significance and are necessary. Governments need to understand that the aim of CBMs, as the phrase indicates, is to build confidence in order to further the relationship.
That Pakistan does not understand the language of diplomacy and the need to solve difficult issues slowly and softly is clear from its use of unsophisticated diplomacy in response to the unilateral Indian announcement of CMBs. In response to India's proposal to give free medical care to Pakistani children, which India has already done, Pakistan proposed to treat disabled Kashmiris and women raped by the Indian security forces. It also suggested that such schemes may be supervised by the Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Does Pakistan expect India to counter-propose to treat the victims of sectarian violence in Pakistan especially Christians and Ahmediyas? And when Pakistan sits in judgment about the human rights violations committed by the Indian security forces in Kashmir, what has it got to say about those people who have been victims of violence unleashed by Pakistani-backed terrorists in Kashmir? It is also clear that by declaring that the Srinagar- Muzaffarabad bus service can be accepted only if the LoC check points are manned by UN personnel and people travel with UN documents, Pakistan is not only unnecessarily whipping up rightist tendencies in the various Indian and Pakistani discourses on Kashmir, but also undermining a peace process which certainly is in the larger interest of both the countries.
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