Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Naypyitaw last month came at a defining moment in the political evolution of Myanmar. After decades of political isolation - both self-imposed and forced upon it by the international community - Myanmar is now reordering its internal political structures and reclaiming its rightful place in Asia and the world. The last prime ministerial travel from Delhi to Myanmar was by Rajiv Gandhi in 1987. Much water has flown down the Irrawaddy since then. If Rajiv Gandhi’s visit was an exploratory one, Singh’s sojourn in Myanmar helped launch the construction of an enduring economic, political and security partnership between the two nations.The principal objectives of Prime Minister Singh’s visit were to extend the support of the Indian government and people to Myanmar’s unfolding internal political transformation, deepen bilateral engagement, and develop political cooperation on regional and other issues of mutual interest. As neighbours that share not only a land frontier but also a maritime boundary, the relations between India and Myanmar have been shaped by historical inheritance, geographic interdependence and a shared cultural tradition.
At the dawn of the 20th century, the Indian national movement objected to the British Raj’s imperial wars against what was then called Burma and its annexation with India. The solidarity between the two national movements translated into deep bonds between the top leaders of the two countries.
After meeting Dr Singh, Aung San Suu Kyi, who has led the struggle for the democratisation of Myanmar during the last quarter of a century with great courage and fortitude, reminded the world of the close relationship her parents and Jawaharlal Nehru had. Suu Kyi’s father, Aung San was the founder of modern Myanmar and her mother served as ambassador to India.
Nehru and U Nu, the first prime minister of Myanmar signed a treaty of peace and friendship between the two countries in July 1951. As two leading voices in emerging Asia, India and Myanmar kept in close touch. They also led the efforts to build a new Asian identity and develop Afro-Asian solidarity. From the 1960s, however, India andMyanmar drifted apart for a number of reasons. The peace and friendship treaty remained a piece of paper. As both nations adopted inwardoriented economic strategies fromthe late 1960s, the historic economic relationship atrophied. AsMyanmar withdrew into a political shell, all avenues of normal bilateral engagement, then, were virtually shut down for an extended period.
After Rajiv Gandhi’s visit there was brief moment of hope for Myanmar as Aung San Suu Kyi led a hugely popular movement for restoring democracy in the nation. But the army’s crackdown on the movement crushed those hopes. On its part, India was torn between two competing impulses. On the one hand was its empathy for Suu Kyi, who had spent her youth studying in Delhi, and her struggle for political values that were central to nation building in modern India. On the other was the recognition of the importance of engaging the neighbours, irrespective of their internal orientation.
After its support to the democratic aspirations for the people of Myanmar until the early 1990s, India adopted a policy of constructive engagement with the military government without endorsing in any way the nature of its internal rule. Not surprisingly, India’s adoption of a ’middle path’ disappointed the democratic movement led by Suu Kyi and invited much criticism from the Western nations. The recent changes in Myanmar have helped reframe the terms of local, regional and international debate on how to deal with the military led regime in this very important nation.
For one, Myanmar’s military establishment is presiding over what is possibly the most exciting democratic transition in Asia and the world today. Second, Suu Kyi herself has taken a practical approach of engaging the military government. Instead of adopting an ’all-or-nothing’ stance, she has chosen to enter the present parliament, engage the military-backed government, and contribute ositively to the democratic transition. In his talks with the President of Myanmar Thein Sein and Suu Kyi, Dr Singh expressed strong support to the process of democratisation and national reconciliation initiated by the two leaders. The Western nations have begun to lift the economic sanctions against Myanmar, and the Southeast Asian nations have voiced their confidence in Naypyitaw by offering it the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the East Asia Summit in 2014.
This transformation of the political context has created a very positive moment for the rapid acceleration of Delhi’s bilateral relationship with Naypyitaw. Last October, Singh and Myanmar’s President Thein Sein declared their commitment to strengthen and broaden "the multifaceted relationship based on shared history, civilisational ties and close religious, linguistic and cultural affinities". The determination of the two leaders to elevate their bilateral partnership echoed the 1951 treaty that proclaimed ’everlasting peace and unalterable friendship’ between the two countries. If circumstances prevented the realisation of the objectives of the treaty signed by Nehru and U Nu, Dr Singh and his interlocutors have outlined an ambitious agenda for bilateral cooperation. Four broad themes emerged from Dr Singh’s talks in Naypyitaw. One is the transformation of the long land boundary into a zone of trade and security cooperation that will stabilise the restive regions on both sides of their frontier. A second theme is connectivity - overland and across the seas. For India, Myanmar is a bridge to its own remote northeast, China and to Southeast Asia. The development of transport corridors within and across the national boundaries is now high on the agenda. Third, while India has an interest in accessing Myanmar’s natural resources, Delhi has rightly emphasised the importance of capacity building in the country and helping people help themselves. In the middle of the last century, Myanmar was one of the more advanced countries in Asia and it is determined to make up for the lost decades; India is in a good position to contribute to that process.
During Dr Singh’s visit, India signed an MoU for a credit line of Rs 27.8 billion. These funds will be utilised in the infrastructure development projects, including in the fields of agriculture, irrigation, rail transportation, and electric power development in Myanmar. India also plans to undertake a large number of small development projects in Myanmar. The Indian business delegation that traveled with the prime minister met Thein Sein separately and explored the opportunities for the private sector participation in Myanmar’s economic transformation. India and Myanmar, acting together, are now well positioned to reclaim their past leadership role in shaping Asia’s future. At the end of their talks Dr Singh and Thein Sein agreed to step up bilateral consultations on various international issues and coordinate their approaches for much-needed regional development.
(C. Raja Mohan is a Distinguished Fellow at Observer Research Foundation)
Courtesy: India Perspective, June 2012
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