MonitorsPublished on Jul 14, 2020
South Asia Weekly Report | Volume XIII; 28

Bhutan: Walking on tight rope, balancing India and China

Mihir Bhonsale The Sino-Indian violent face-off at the disputed border in Ladakh appears to have changed the strategic calculus in the South Asia. Increasingly, countries in the Indian sub-continent are finding it difficult to balance India and China, a tactic adopted by most, weaker nations towards the strategic rivalry between the two giants. The Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan is also facing a test in balancing her southern and northern neighbours. China has now claimed the Sakteng Wildlife Sanctuary, located in eastern Bhutan, at the Global Environment Facility (GEF), a multilateral, international initiative that works in partnership with the United Nations. During a discussion in June on a project for the sanctuary, China described it as a disputed territory. The claim was at once rejected by Thimpu, which said the Sakteng sanctuary is an integral and sovereign territory of Bhutan and at no point during the boundary discussions between the two nations has it featured as a disputed area.

Behind  border aggression

Bhutan-China relations in the past were limited to Bhutan’s feudatory relations with Tibet. China’s occupation of Tibet was a watershed in the relations between the two countries. Thus, Bhutan came to share a 470 km long un-demarcated border with northern neighbour China. The Himalayas in the north acted as a natural barrier between Bhutan and China. However, there are some pastures, measuring approximately 269, which are disputed. The dispute in the west of Bhutan in the Doklam plateau is limited to 269 According to Bhutan, there is no boundary dispute in the east. However, China’s new claim in eastern Bhutan is a result of China making the erstwhile Tibetan Kingdom’s claims its own. Bhutan is bound to Tibet by centuries-old cultural, religious and social contact, which are all in evidence even in Bhutan’s social and political systems. Tibet had traditionally claimed the entire Buddhist regions in the Himalayas viz. Bhutan, Ladakh, Sikkim and India’s North-East as its own. The claim on the Sakteng sanctuary in the Trashigang district of Bhutan must be seen in this light -- of China continuing the position of Tibet treating Bhutan as a vassal state. Similar claims are made by China for Tawang, that shares a border with Trashigang. Scholars have identified these claims as part of China’s ‘Western Development Strategy’ that aims to facilitate Tibet to regain a central position in the Himalayan system. The Western Development Strategy appears to be behind China’s increasing aggression all along Tibet’s disputed borders in Doklam, Ladakh and Bhutan.

Search for fine balance

Since the 1980s, when the first round of Bhutan-China border talks were held, the two sides have so far held 24 rounds of border talks. The last round was held in 2016 in Beijing. The next round was due in 2017 but that was deferred in the wake of the 72-day India-China standoff at Doklam in the same year. In 2018, Bhutan elected a new party -- the Druk Nyamrup Tshogpa (DNT) -- to form the government. China throughout this period maintained contact with Bhutan in the hope that Thimphu would consider establishing diplomatic relations with its northern neighbour. Beijing for long has pressurised Bhutan to establish formal diplomatic relations as a pre-requisite for resolving the decades-old border dispute. China erred in assuming that the rout of the perceptibly India-friendly former incumbent People’s Democratic Party was an indication of the anti-India wave surging in Bhutan. Allaying all fears, the Bhutan-India relations instead strengthened with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visiting Bhutan for the second time. However, like in the Doklam stand-off, Bhutan has trodden cautiously, not upsetting China, lest it complicate matters for the resolution of its border dispute with China. In the past, it also restrained Tibetan refugees in Bhutan to Thimphu, maintaining throughout a ‘One China’ stand in the United Nations, taking precaution in respecting China’s core interests. Even if we take the present controversy regarding the Sakteng Sanctuary in Trashigang, Thimphu has guarded China’s strategic interests. Bhutan, from the fear of not being inimical to China’s strategic interests, has till date warded off India’s proposal to build a motorable road from Lumla in the Tawang district in India to Trashigang in eastern Bhutan. The Lumla-Trashigang road is of strategic importance to India as it provides an alternative route, primarily to the  Indian defence forces, to reach Tawang from Assam through Bhutan. In the absence of an alternative route, the Indian defence forces manning the India-China border are using  the Sela Pass that is snow-clad in the winter season, making transit through it difficult.

Punishing an Indian ally?

The deterioration in the US-China relations has made it harder for Bhutan to balance China and India. Further to China’s worries was the Bhutan visit of US Deputy Secretary of State John Sullivan in August last year. Sullivan, the highest-ranking American diplomat to visit Bhutan, speaking in Thimphu, stressed the need for protecting and enhancing rule-based order in the Indo-Pacific. In the recent past, Bhutan’s toing of India’s line in not joining the Belt and Road Initiative and the show of support for Japan’s candidature for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council during former Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay’s visit to Japan in 2018 is perceived by China to be against its strategic interests. Thus, China drawing eastern Bhutan into dispute is also aimed at punishing an Indian ally.

India: Governmental accountability during the pandemic

Ambar Kumar Ghosh The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic catapulted an extraordinary situation that the world is grappling with. India, being a thickly populated country, also had to brace up for the humongous health crisis that Covid-19 has precipitated. As soon as the spread of the disease was becoming apparent in the country in the month of March, the Indian state realised that tackling such a situation won’t be possible on ordinary and conventional legal and administrative terms. Hence, it was understood that in order to speedily curb the spread of the disease, special legal apparatus with sweeping unbridled powers would be essential for prompt and effective governmental response to the health crisis. The existing legal document, the Epidemic Act of 1897 looked archaic and hence inadequate for dealing with such unfamiliar circumstances. So, India had to invoke the Disaster Management Act 2005 for combating the pandemic. It is true that the Disaster Management Act was not originally envisaged for dealing with a health epidemic. But the regulations and restrictions on public movement and behaviour that curbing of Coronavirus demands, required an immediate legal apparatus for the government. Such provisions only the Disaster Management Act of 2005 would have facilitated. On one hand, it is understandable that complete lockdown and restrictions on some basic fundamental rights of the citizens like the right to free movement and gathering had to be curtailed to check the spread of the disease. On the other hand, it is also crucial for a working democracy like India to ensure that crucial public services and the inalienable citizenship rights are protected and the governmental machinery is accountable for its actions at the time of this crisis.

Institutional bulwarks

The nation’s constitutional design provides for two major institutional bulwarks that are designated to demand accountability from the executive branch of the government. Those two institutions are the legislature and the judiciary. The legislature is entrusted with dual function of law making as well as demanding accountability from the Council of Ministers, which constitutes the governmental executive. An elaborate procedural structure is in place that empowers the legislature to question the governmental decisions as well as give consent and seek clarification regarding the budgetary allocation of the government. The judiciary, categorically, the Supreme Court is the custodian of the fundamental rights of the citizens and the protector of the constitution. It has the responsibility to review whether every piece of legislation and governmental action is designed in accordance with the sanctity of the constitution. Thus, in the Indian democratic structure, the dual safeguards of legislative oversight and judicial review helps in keeping the possibility of executive excesses under check to some extent.

Transparency, responsiveness

The outbreak of the pandemic has seriously disrupted the functioning of both these institutions which have hitherto been in charge of ensuring executive accountability. However, the present crisis has unfolded a situation where ensuring extraordinary governmental accountability, transparency and responsiveness are crucial like never before. The outbreak and the steady spread of Covid-19 across the country and the intermittent complete and selective lockdowns to combat the spread have raised certain fundamental problems which require steady and effective redressal. First, as the health crisis exacerbates it is exerting tremendous pressure on the fragile Indian health infrastructure. As a result, the fundamental right to health, which is a crucial part of the constitutional guarantee of the right to life enshrined in Article 21, might get imperilled. Second, due to the prolonged lockdown and the suspension of most of the usual economic activities, huge section of population has lost their livelihood and is facing tremendous economic instability. The plight of the most vulnerable internal migrant workers in India during the lockdown is well-documented and has already captured the national imagination. Hence, apart from the health vulnerability, economic challenges also look equally gloomy. Third, as the restriction of public movement plays an important part of the prevention strategy of this infectious disease, it also creates a challenge for the law and order situation in every state. Reports of administrative harassment, police excesses and social stigmatisation suggests that these issues can pose humongous challenges of public safety and societal stability. Hence, these increasingly urgent administrative challenges will have direct repercussions on the lives of the Indian citizenry. Under such a situation, institutional accountability on the part of the legislature as well as judiciary remains an indispensable requisite to monitor how democratic governments are dealing with the crisis.

Unprecedented challenges

As the fear of the infection demands social distancing and prohibits public gathering, the normal working of the legislatures -- both the national parliament and the state Legislative Assemblies -- remains suspended since the declaration of the lockdown in March. This situation has deprived the law-makers from discharging their pivotal responsibility of questioning the government regarding its preparedness and effectiveness in responding to the crisis. Hence, the crucial questions regarding the health infrastructure, planning and ground assessment of the situation, implementation of the health and social security measures and steps to control economic distress remains unanswered. However, many state governments and the centre have initiated occasional all-party meetings to apprise the various political parties regarding the situation and for building political consensus for devising strategy to deal with the crisis. But, such meeting hardly can substitute the institutionalised accountability demanding mechanism that legislatures are empowered with. The recent effort to initiate the proceedings of the crucial parliamentary and legislative standing committees also hardly seems to be working as many legislators are reluctant to travel outside their immediate location for attending such meetings in person due to the fear of contracting the infection. The repeated proposal of conducting virtual legislative sessions as adopted by many other countries have been turned down in India so far. Such rejection of the idea is attributed to the need for changing the procedural rules of the parliament that presently mandates the meetings within the parliament’s premises. Moreover, beyond the procedural hurdle, questions has been raised regarding the privacy and security loopholes of these online meeting platforms. Similar stumbling blocks are presently being faced by the judiciary under such a situation. Though the higher courts are trying to move to virtual case hearing, it proves to be permissible only for “emergency” issues. This has further delayed the already laggardly judicial system in the country. The initial deferential stand of the Supreme Court towards the executive in case of the migrant worker crisis already reflected the enormity of the accountability crisis that such a situation might posit. Moreover, any attempt to technologically transform the judicial process might be a herculean task as internet accessibility and technological awareness still remains major challenges for the common citizenry to approach judiciary in virtual mode.

Way forward

However, it has to be borne in mind that governmental accountability and access to justice and constitutional protection forms the bulk of any vibrant democratic polity. The pandemic exposes the potential of worst forms of health related infrastructural mismanagement, institutional lacunae, procedural inefficiency and insufficient response from the governmental agencies. So, the need for institutional safeguards for prevailing upon the government to constantly remain transparent, prepared and accountable is urgent like never before. Hence, an effective and vigilant legislature and judiciary is the need of the hour which would require both agential willingness and well as procedural agility. First, the legislature and as well as the judiciary must realise that their duty to rise up to the occasion for the sake of democratic stability and citizens’ wellbeing is paramount and undeniable at this critical hour. So, they as agents of ascertaining accountability must leave no stone unturned to review the actions of the government. Second, the procedural hurdles has to be cleared immediately so that safe and secure virtual platforms designed by the National Informatics Centre for legislative and judicial deliberation can take place keeping in mind the safety of the stakeholders. Also, this situation must be optimally utilized to boost internet accessibility and technological awareness so that common citizenry can access justice in a safe and cost effective manner. In such extraordinary times, extraordinary innovations for ensuring accountable and transparent governance are the paramount duty of a responsive democracy.

Country Reports


Conference for consensus

In a virtual conference organised by the government on 6 July, titled ‘Strengthening Consensus for Peace in Afghanistan’, President Ashraf Ghani stressed on the capacity and willingness of the political establishment in the country, to end the conflict. Addressing representatives of 20 regional countries and organizations, President Ghani underscored the importance of regional cooperation in securing a lasting peace for Afghanistan.

Gender-inclusive governance

According to a new decree issued by President Ghani, all 34 of the provinces in the country will have women as deputy governors, with the first appointment taking place in Logar, President Ghani’s home province. Voicing support for the move, Vice President Amrullah Saleh said that the gender inclusive structural reform was aimed at strengthening the process of empowering women in the country.


Six dead in clash

Six people were killed in a clash between the two factions of an ethnic group in Bandarban in south-eastern Bangladesh. The clash took place between Parbatya Chattogram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJS) and its reformist faction.  The majority of the cadres of these factions are from the Chakma tribe, a dominant ethnic group in the Bandarban district. The police claimed all who died in the clash are from the reformist faction. Notably, PCJS was involved in an insurgency against Bangladesh’s military and other security agencies for decades demanding autonomy for the Chittagong Hill Tracts, a region inhabited by various tribals groups. The insurgency ended after the group signed a peace treaty with the government in 1997.

Entry-ban in Italy

Italy has restricted the entry of passengers from Bangladesh until the 5th of October. Earlier, the country had banned all flights from Bangladesh for a week. The move came after a large portion of passengers of a special flight of Biman Bangladesh tested positive for Covid-19 after landing in Rome. Interestingly, passengers had documents certifying that they have tested Covid-19 negative and are eligible for travel.

Rohingyas killed in a gunfight

Three Rohingya men were killed in a gunfight with the Bangladesh Border Guard (BGB) personnel in Ukhia Upazila of Cox's Bazar, in southern Bangladesh. The deceased were claimed to suspected to be yaba smugglers, were killed in a "gunfight" with members of Border Guard Bangladesh in Ukhia Upazila of Cox's Bazar early on 8 July.  BGB officials claimed to have recovered three lakh yaba pills. The yaba is a popular intoxicating drug and regularly smuggled from neighbouring Myanmar.


Covid-19 recovery, 83 pc

Though the country’s Covid-19 cases tally has been increasing, the administration has been able to maintain a zero death record from the epidemic. In June, the country recorded 34 new Covid-19 cases. However, the country’s recovery rate is 83 percent. Of the78 positive cases, as of 5 July, 51 have been declared recovered.

Prince christened

The Second Gyalsey or the second royal child born to King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck and Gyaltsuen has been named Jigme Ugyen Wangchuck. He will be referred to as Gyalsey Ugyen Wangchuck. Led by the Prime Minister, representatives of the Dratshang, Government and Armed Forces offered Mendrel Ku Sung Thukten to His Royal Highness the Gyalsey on behalf of the people of Bhutan.

Partnership pact with UNDP

The Gross National Happiness Commission and the UNDP Bhutan signed a partnership agreement on 2 July to mark the start of a new UNDP-supported Covid-19 response and recovery project funded by the Government of Japan. The Ambassador of Japan to Bhutan, Satoshi Suzuki joined the signing remotely from New Delhi, India. The project “Innovation for a Smarter, Greener and More Resilient 21st century Bhutan” is worth USD 1.9 million and it is part of a global UNDP project geared towards Covid-19 response and recovery. The project, which will be implemented over the next nine months, will strengthen the country’s health systems and address socio-economic impacts of the pandemic.


Third worst-hit

The total number of people infected by Covid-19 in the country is on the verge of almost touching eight lakh. The total number of fatalities has crossed 21 thousand, according to the figures released by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. Almost five-lakh people have recovered so far. India has surpassed Russia and has become the third most coronavirus affected country in the world after USA and Brazil as per the official figures of infection.

UP gangster killed

Gangster Vikas Dubey of Uttar Pradesh was killed reportedly in an exchange of fire between him and the police on 10 July when he was being taken from Ujjain to Kanpur following his arrest. He was accused of killing eight policemen in Kanpur’s Bikru village recently. The police had also killed five associates of Dubey earlier. Dubey had 60 criminal cases against him at the time of his death.


Tourism Minister sacked

President Mohamed Ibrahim Solih sacked Ali Waheed, in charge of the all-important Tourism Ministry, after some office staff filed a police complaint over sexual harassment. Armed with a court order, the police with the assistance of a forensic expert, searched Ali Waheed’s residence, and collected evidence with regard to multiple charges of sexual harassment from the Tourism Ministry office.

Yameen claims $ 5-m in donations

In the delayed hearing of his appeal against conviction and five-year jail-term for money-laundering in the Male High Court Bench, former President Abdulla Yameen said that he had received $ 5 m as donations for poll-funding and he had entrusted the same with his jailed former President Ahmed Adeeb and then Fisheries Minister Ahmed Shainee. The appeal came up for hearing after time-delay, attributed to the current Covid crisis but only after Yameen’s PPM-PNC leadership went to town about it. Adeeb is still in prison for attempting to assassinate Yameen’s presidential boat, was sacked, arrested and impeached.


Scholarships from Japan

On 6 July, Maruyama Ichiro, the Ambassador of Japan to the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, and U Bharat Singh, the Deputy Minister for Investment and Foreign Economic Relations, signed and exchanged notes concerning grant aid for “the Project for Human Resource Development Scholarship”, worth 627 million Japanese yen. The Project for Human Resource Development Scholarship aims at providing young governmental officials who will be leading the country in future with an opportunity to study in Japan for Master’s and PHD degrees and gain necessary skills and knowledge. It is expected to contribute to solving development issues in Myanmar and strengthening the bilateral relations by creating human networks.

Renewed ties

Three agreements regarding the provision of assistance by the Government of Japan to the Government of the Union of Myanmar exchanged at the Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations, Nay Pyi Taw on 9 July. The assistance totalling 2.199 billion Japanese Yen is earmarked for the purchase of motor vehicles and equipment for the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Water Treatment Project in Mandalay City and the Rehabilitation of River Traffic Navigation Aids on the Yangon River. The assistance provided by Japan will promote socio-economic development of Myanmar and further strengthen bilateral ties between Myanmar and Japan.


India sends ‘diplomatic note’

The India-Nepal border row has been quite a critical issue for the past few months now, with counter allegations. Recently reports of India’s dismay have been expressed through a ‘diplomatic note’ sent to the neighbour, protesting against Kathmandu’s decision to bring about a new political map. India has made it clear that Kalapani, Limpiyadhura and Lipulekh are parts of India. Nepal’s reaction is yet to come up.

Rain hampers hydropower

500 MW of electricity from the power houses under Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) has been halted due to incessant rainfall in the country. The generation, transmission as well as the distribution system is all impacted.  In fact, the Middle Bhotekoshi Hydropower Project, which has been delayed for many years now, is likely to miss completion even now in such circumstances. The NEA is reeling under heavy losses as the expenditure has increased by Rs 2 billion. In times of the COVID-19 and the resultant economic downfall, Nepal cannot afford to bear such heavy losses.


Licence scam hits PIA

The Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) has lost its credibility and has taken a massive hit after the lid was blown off the dubious licences scam. The PIA has grounded 262 pilots for possessing dubious licences and come under criticism from the International Air Transport Association (IATA) termed as serious lapses which compromised safety. The European Union’s Air Safety Agency (EUASA) has banned PIA for six months on 1 July 2020. Flights from the Pakistani national flag carrier has also been banned by the US, England and some Arab countries. 

Gilgit-Baltistan polls put off

The election commission of Gilgit Baltistan has decided to postpone the elections till October 2020. The elections in the provincial assembly were scheduled on 18 August but due to Coronavirus and its economic fallouts, the election commission could not make arrangements for the polls. The Gilgit Baltistan assembly completed its term on 24 June and now a caretaker government is in place for the administration of the province. The election commission needs more than two months to make arrangements for the elections like to prepare voter lists.The postponement of the election process has drawn criticism from all the political parties in the country.

Sri Lanka

Covid threat again

With reports of fresh cases of Covid19 positives from some parts of the country, the nation is gearing up to take on the pandemic in its second spell. The Government had ended all shutdown caused by the virus-spread only a fortnight earlier, and life was returning to normalcy when the news now could impact on campaigning for the twice-postponed parliamentary polls, which is now less than a month away, on 5 August.

Will end drug menace: President

With President Gotabaya Rajapaksa setting up a special task force to end drug-menace in the country and the security forces cracking down on the underworld, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, in his campaign meetings for the 5 August parliamentary polls, has vowed to end both. The issues assume significance after former President Maithripala Sirisena made an issue of executing court orders that awarded death sentence to drug dealers, against international calls for Sri Lanka to continue with the decades-old practice of non-implementation. The matter is ow pending before the Supreme Court.



Opinion Pieces

Shubhangi Pandey, “Afghanistan: Perpetual Playground for Great Power Contestation”,, 9 July 2020 Alan Cullison, “How Kremlin’s View of US’s War in Afghanistan Has Shifted”, The Wall Street Journal, 6 July 2020


The New York Times, “Don’t Let Russian Meddling Derail Afghanistan Withdrawal Plans”, 7 July 2020 Afghanistan Times, “Avoid Paving Way for Nepotism”, 6 July 2020


Opinion Pieces

Mozammil Ahmad, “Bangladesh and the China-India Conflict”, The Diplomat, 8 July 2020 Md Enamul Hassan, “BRI helps Bangladesh recover from the pandemic”, China Daily, 6 July 2020 Suborna Barua, AkramulAlam, Isfaqur Rahman and Rakibul Hossen, “Mapping the Covid-19 implications for Bangladesh's stock market”, Financial Express, 8 July 2020 Bipul Chatterjee; Veena Vidyadharan; Jyotiraj Patra, “India-Bangladesh expanded river trade opens up opportunities for locals”, the, 4 July 2020 C R Abrar, “Covid-19 And Migrant Workers: Planning the return and reintegration of forced returnees”,  The Daily Star, 8 July 2020 Barkat-e-Khuda, “How will the global economic downturn affect the Bangladesh economy?”, The Daily Star, 8 July 2020


Opinion Pieces

Manoj Joshi, “Chinese checkers in Bhutan”,, 9 July 2020 Embassy of India in Thimphu, “India’s policy response to stimulate the economy in the wake of Covid-19”, Kuensel, 8 July 2020


Kuensel, “GyalseyUgenWangchuck”, 4 July 2020


Opinion Pieces

Tanuja Kothiyal, “The regimes of boundaries: They have multiplied, even as Covid nudges us towards broader discourse of access”, The Indian Express, 10 July 2020 Arun Maira & Ajay Shankar, “India needs a universal social security system”, hindustantimes, 8 July 2020 Gurcharan Das, “Busting myths and the double-speak on education”, hindustantimes, 7 July 2020


The Indian Express, “Open the house”, 10 July 2020 The Hindu, “A case for extension: On rural jobs scheme”, 9 July 2020 The Hindu, “On top: On Nitish Kumar’s re-election bid”, 9 July 2020


Opinion Pieces

Ritsu Nacken, UNPA Country Director, “I can’t breathe…Wake up call this World Population Day”, The Edition, 11 July 2020


Opinion Pieces

Nan Lwin, “Despite Myanmar Ethnic Parties’ Bold Election Strategy, NLD Insists on Going It Alone”, The Irrawaddy, 3 July 2020


The Irrawaddy, “Myanmar’s Generals Aren’t Happy With China—and It’s No Longer a Secret”, 3 July 2020


Opinion Pieces

Amish Raj Mulmi, “In Nepali politics, you can never trust your friends”, The Kathmandu Post, 10 July 2020 Bikas Pant, “Tackling youth unemployment post-pandemic”, Republica, 8 July 2020


The Kathmandu Post, “Landslide hotspots”, 6 July 2020


Opinion Pieces

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar, “On the temple”, Dawn, 10 July 2020 Khurram Husain, “Are deficits always a bad thing?”, Dawn, 9 July 2020 Syed Mohammad Ali, “Unanticipated challenge to Article 370, ”The Express Tribune, 9 July 2020 Dr Moonis Ahmar, “India’s limitless tyranny in Occupied Kashmir”, The Express Tribune, 9 July 2020 Rafia Zakaria, “The fate of Tipu’s Tiger”, Dawn, 8 July 2020


Dawn, “Kargil martyrs”, 10 July 2020 The Express Tribune, “American exit”, 9 July 2020 The Express Tribune, “India and UN’s rights report”, 9 July 2020

Sri Lanka

Opinion Pieces  

Rajan Philips, “Mahinda-Sajith spat over ‘communalistic’ political parties”, The Island, 12 July 2020 D B S Jeyaraj, “Comrade Shan and Tamil militant armed struggle”, Daily Mirror Online, 11 July 2020 M S M Ayub, “Two-thirds majority: Will it throw the baby outwith the bath water?”, Daily Mirror Online, 10 July 2020 Malinda Seneviratne, “The President must come clear”, Daily Mirror Online, 9 July 2020 Sanjeewa Fernando, “Reconciliation, deliverable or otherwise, remains as elusive as ever”, Daily Mirror Online, 8 July 2020 Ranga Jayasuriya, “What ails UNP? Lack of Sinhala-Buddhist-ness or something else?”, Daily Mirror Online, 7 July 2020 N Sathiya Moorthy, “President Gotabaya and parliamentary polls”, Ceylon Today, 7 July 2020 N Sathiya Moorthy, “Sinhalese must also vote for TNA to get Leader of the Opposition”, Colombo Gazette, 7 July 2020


Sandun A Jayasekara, “Sri Lanka will stage an economic and industrial revival: Bandula Gunawardena”, Daily Mirror Online, 10 July 2020 Gihan de Chickera, “When western countries catch a cold, our leaders get pneumonia: Imthiaz Bakeer Marakar”, Daily Mirror Online, 9 July 2020 Harim Peiris, “Did Expert Committee use similar standards in evaluating MCC and Port City loans?”, The Island, 9 July 2020 Susitha Fernando, “Printing money, data massaging will lead SL to economic disaster: Eran Wickremeratne”, Daily Mirror Online, 7 July 2020 Kamanthi Wickremesinghe, “Politically manipulating people in saffron robes is wrong: Ven Ananda Sagara Thera”, Daily Mirror Online, 7 July 2020 Kamanthi Wickremesinghe, “Without the Maha Sangha, this country would have gone to the gutters: Ven Battaramulle Seelarathana Thera”, Daily Mirror Online, 7 July 2020 Jehan Perera, “Political reforms for reconciliation after the elections”, The Island, 7 July 2020 Ahilan Kadirgamar, “Regimes in times crisis: Authoritarian populism, Bonapartism and Fascism”, Daily Mirror Online, 6 July 2020

Book Reviews

Nevilli Laduwahetty, “Sri Lanka: Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained: Lord Nasbey”, The Island, 10 July 2020


Afghanistan: Shubhangi Pandey Bangladesh: Joyeeta Bhattacharjee Bhutan: Mihir Bhonsale India: Ambar Kumar Ghosh Maldives & Sri Lanka: N Sathiya Moorthy Myanmar: Sreeparna Banerjee Nepal: Sohini Nayak Pakistan: Ayjaz Wani
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