Originally Published 2005-04-28 11:13:33 Published on Apr 28, 2005
The National Assembly in Pakistan is the highest political institution, a representative body of the people of Pakistan, at least on paper. While the Indian political leadership and public were engaged in finding new ways to firm up the peace process, the National Assembly,
Playing along with General
The National Assembly in Pakistan is the highest political institution, a representative body of the people of Pakistan, at least on paper. While the Indian political leadership and public were engaged in finding new ways to firm up the peace process, the National Assembly, the Pakistan counterpart to the Indian Parliament, set up the Special Committee of the National Assembly on Kashmir on November 3, 2003. The Committee, comprising 47 members (34 Assembly members and 13 Senators), is the biggest Parliamentary Committee on Kashmir ever Constituted. The committee's working provides an insight into the mindset of the Pakistani political leadership.

The right place to begin is the terms of reference of this Special Committee. First responsibility is to "monitor violations of human rights and atrocities being committed by the Indian forces in the occupied Jammu and Kashmir". Second is to "Mobilise world opinion in support of the cause of right of self-determination to the people of Jammu & Kashmir as well as the stand of Pakistan". Third is to "solicit and provide political, moral and diplomatic support to the people of Jammu & Kashmir in their just struggle for their right of self determination in accordance with the UN Resolutions."

The charter of functions of the Special Committee flows from the terms of reference. The committee seeks to "support initiatives and efforts aimed to achieve a just and durable settlement of the Kashmir problem, in accordance with the aspirations of the people of Jammu and Kashmir; To mobilise world opinion particularly Parliaments, think tanks and civil society organisations in favour of the legitimate struggle of the people of Jammu & Kashmir to realise their right of self-determination in accordance with the UN resolutions; To seek international support for an end to suppression and human rights violations and to campaign for the restoration, protection and promotion of basic human rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir; To establish and maintain close contact with the people of Jammu and Kashmir through their true representatives and members of civil society, with a view to providing moral, political and diplomatic support in their endeavour to safeguard their fundamental rights and promote an equitable settlement of the Kashmir dispute."

On the face of it, it is difficult to find faults with the charter and the terms of reference till you read a document called the Flames of Freedom. The chairman of the Special Committee, Hamid Nasir Chattha, writes "The fire of freedom against the tyrannical and despotic Indian rule, seething in the hearts of Kashmiris over decades, erupted into flames because of the non-implementation of the UN resolutions on the Kashmir issue, sham polls of 1987 as well as the wave of democracy, swept the globe in the eighties... India has unleashed a reign of terror in the occupied Kashmir by deploying over 7 hundred thousand soldiers and imposing draconian laws, which give unlimited powers to them." The document says "Kashmir is bleeding and Kashmiris are crying for help. The flames of the fire burning in Indian Held Kashmir (IHK) can engulf the whole region, creating a situation unmanageable for the world community. It is, therefore, high time that the world community should intervene and have the issue resolved. The tragic odyssey that is Kashmir is a clarion call for all of us. It is an acid test of our times and talents."

There are quite a few other indicators how the Pakistan political leadership views the Kashmir issue. On January 11, 2005, when the leadership in India was pre-occupied with the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad.bus route, the Chairman of the Special Committee of the Parliament on Kashmir was hosting a delegation of Kashmiri leaders which advocated secession from India. The Committee issued a press release stating that "the people of Jammu and Kashmir do not want to be a part of India and the world should be convinced of Kashmiris' resolve not to live with India. The presence of such a big Indian army is indicative of the fact that the movement for the liberation of Kashmir from Indian occupation is far from over". In case you are interested in reading the original, please log on to http://www.na.gov.pk/s_kashmir_comm.html, a website maintained by the Pakistan National Assembly.

At this stage, it will be a good idea to know the mind of the supreme leader of Pakistan, President Pervez Musharraf. His best articulated views on Kashmir were made on February 5, 2002 in his address to the Joint Session of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir) Legislative Assembly and Jammu and Kashmir Council. He said "the last 13 years have seen a particularly intense but tragic phase in the Kashmiri struggle for self-determination. The 700,000 strong Indian Occupation Force has resorted to an unprecedented suppression and human rights violations. During this period more than 80,000 Kashmiris have been martyred. Thousands have been tortured and maimed and thousands more are languishing in torture camps and detention centres. In short, the Kashmiri youth are being virtually brutally and systematically decimated. Women have been a particular target of Indian Occupation Forces. The nefarious objective of the Indians is to bludgeon the Kashmiri people into submission and to make them abandon their demand to exercise their right to determine their future." 
(http://www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk/ FilesSpeeches/Policy/ 10282004124040PM1020200475217AMword%20file.pdf). 

It can be argued that the statement was at least three years old and much water had flown in the Indus since then. To dispel any presumptions, it would be a good idea to refer to one of President Musharraf's latest speeches on Kashmir. On February 5 this year, he said: "We Pakistanis observe Kashmir Solidarity Day on 5th February every year to demonstrate our unequivocal support for the valiant struggle of the Kashmiri people to achieve their legitimate right of self-determination... I reassure our Kashmiri brethren that at this critical juncture of history, they have the full moral, diplomatic and political support of the government and people of Pakistan. Their goals are our goals. Their dreams are our dreams. May Allah grant us the strength to realise them." (http://www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk/ FilesSpeeches/SpecialDays/ 211200545734PMkashmir%20Day%202005.pdf). 

Since President Musharraf is also the Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan Army, it is safe to presume that the Army too holds similar views on Kashmir. If one were to even cursorily look at the statements made by President Musharraf and even the joint statement signed during his visit to India, it will become clear that instead of the word 'K', it is the word, 'T' which has become a word of contention. It is obvious that India, like a gracious host, had to submit to the Pakistani insistence on glossing over the issue of terrorism, particularly the Indian concerns over cross-border terrorism.

If India had insisted, and I think we should have, there would have been no joint statement and the unofficial summit would have gone down in the history books as a damp squib. Since Washington was keen on its success, we had no choice but to play along with the General. If we had refused to budge from our insistence that the joint statement should reflect the Indian concerns on cross-border terrorism, there would not have been any joint statement at the end of President Musharraf's visit. It would have been perfectly sensible thing to do. After all, it was not an official visit. Musharraf had forced the visit on us and we could have let him go back without the benefit of a joint statement. That could have only added pressure on him to take the Indian concerns seriously. We have lost one more chance to prove our point. It is a win-win situation for Pakistan.

The author is Senior Fellow, South Asia Programme and Director, Information Services, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.

Courtesy: The Pioneer, New Delhi, April 27, 2005.

* Views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Observer Research Foundation.
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