How radicalised is Pakistan Army today? was the question which formed the focal point of an intense discussion organised by Observer Research Foundation on September 20. Well-known academics, journalists, experts and military officers attended the discussion which was chaired by Mr Vikram Sood, Vice President (International Affairs), ORF and former chief of Research & Analysis Wing.
How radicalised is Pakistan Army today? was the question which formed the focal point of an intense discussion organised by Observer Research Foundation on September 20. Well-known academics, journalists, experts and military officers attended the discussion which was chaired by Mr Vikram Sood, Vice President (International Affairs), ORF and former chief of Research & Analysis Wing.
Leading the discussions, Col RSN Singh, an author of an upcoming ORF book on Pakistan Army, said religious fundamentalism in Pakistan, as well as within Pakistan Army, was on the rise and would pose serious challenge not only to India but the world in general. He cited several instances to buttress his argument that the process of radicalisation in Pakistan was steeped in its origin.
Every ruler in Pakistan has contributed to the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan mostly for survival and political exigencies. He said: “Jinnah had little patience with Ulema. If most Ulema viewed Jinnah as irreligious, Jinnah considered them as corrupt, power hungry theocrats. About imposition of Sharia Law, Jinnah had said, “I certainly do not propose to handover the field to Ulema.” After Jinnah’s death, the debate between modernists and radicals intensified. Some radicals even questioned the need for a constitution since the Quran and Sunnah covered all aspects of human life including political.
Referring to the abiding influence of religion in martial matters, Col Singh said the Pakistan Army first used religion to launch an assault in Kashmir immediately after 1947 and managed to occupy large tracts of land before being stopped by the Indian forces. The operation was carried out with the help of tribals from Pakistan’s tribal borderlands. Extremist bands of irregular soldiers were used for the second time in East Pakistan when the Army raised a ‘Razakaar’ (volunteer force), comprising non-Bengalis divided into two brigades i.e. Al-Badr and Al-Shams. These groups were trained for special operations and were employed for the protection of key areas and vital installations. Members of these groups also functioned as Pak Army’s death squads to eliminate dissidents and rebels who espoused the cause of Bangladesh.
Col Singh explained how the process of radicalisation of the Pakistani society, and the military, has progressed through successive military and civilian governments with radical elements in the society gathering strength. He said there were clear signs of radicalisation gaining ground in the Army.
Intervening in the discussion, Prof Kalim Bahadur, a well-known expert on religious fundamentalism and Pakistan, said the concept of jihad could be traced way beyond 1857 to 18th century when a Delhi religious teacher, Shah Waliullah, led the campaign for reviving Islam and gave a call for a jihad to purify the religion. He said of the wars Pakistan has fought with India, only the 1947-48 operations, 1999 Kargil Operations and the proxy war were declared as jihad. Prof. Bahadur cautioned against making a generalised assessment of radicalisation in the armed forces by relying on conjectures rather than facts. He added that this was a difficult engagement as reliable materials remain inaccessible, especially to Indian scholars.
Other discussants referred to the radicalisation of the Army and the impact it has on the fighting capability of the force. Brigadier Gurmeet Kanwal, Deputy Director, Centre for Landwarfare Studies, Delhi, said radicalisation has certainly affected the fighting capability of the armed forces in Pakistan. But, he cautioned, it would be fallacious to confuse normal religious practices with fundamentalism. Major General Sheru Thapliyal, a former Divisional Commander in the Indian Army, pointed out that contrary to popular belief that General Ayub Khan, Pakistan’s first military dictator, was a liberal, westernised General, he too was given to seeking divine help in matters of military. In fact, General Thapliyal, specifically pointed out a meeting in which Ayub decided on a particular deployment of forces during the 1965 war after a ‘divine conversation’.
Some of the discussions referred to the present troubles afflicting the Pakistan Army, particularly in its operations in Waziristan and other areas in the tribal areas and North West Frontier Province. There were references to the surrender of more than 200 soldiers and officers to the Taliban in Waziristan and dissensions within the rank and file over the military operations targeted against Pushtun tribals.
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