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Cliff Mboya and Samir Bhattacharya, “Chinese Media in Africa: The Case of StarTimes in Kenya,” ORF Special Report No. 281, Observer Research Foundation, October 2025.
Africa has historically occupied a central position in China’s foreign policy, particularly since the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949.[1] Over the years, Beijing has engaged the continent to isolate Taiwan diplomatically and garner African support in deflecting criticism related to its reported human rights violations. The enduring strategic significance of Africa in China’s foreign policy is evidenced by the longstanding tradition of the Chinese Foreign Minister making their first overseas visit of every calendar year to an African country.[2] Since Xi Jinping’s ascent to national leadership in 2013, China’s engagement with Africa has become markedly assertive, reflecting a broader shift in the country’s global diplomatic posture.
In 2013, China launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), signalling its ambition to reinvigorate the old Silk Road trade routes along the East African coast.[3] The initiative aims to enhance land and maritime connectivity between Asia and Europe through Africa, thereby integrating the continent into a broader transcontinental economic corridor. Since its inception, 53 out of 54 African nations have joined the BRI.[4] The African Union (AU) has also signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with China to enhance cooperation within the framework of the BRI.
China’s engagement with Africa experienced a temporary slowdown in recent years due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, and the trade war with the United States (US). However, as the BRI marked its tenth anniversary in 2023, China appeared to renew its strategic focus on Africa. During the Third Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation held in Beijing in October 2023, African countries secured BRI-related agreements worth US$21.7 billion—an increase of 114 percent from the previous edition, encompassing investments in ports, railways, and renewable energy sectors.[5]
Further cementing this renewed engagement, China elevated its partnership with Africa during the Ninth Ministerial Conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), held in Beijing in September 2024. The bilateral relationship was upgraded from “a comprehensive strategic and cooperative partnership” to “an all-weather community with a shared future for the new era”. Additionally, China pledged US$51 billion in soft loans, grants, and direct investments.[6] Following the summit, a 30-paragraph ‘Beijing Declaration’ highlighted prominent Chinese global initiatives, such as the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative (GSI), and the Global Civilisation Initiative. The declaration also acknowledged China’s pivotal support for the AU’s inclusion in the G20, a gesture highly valued by African leaders.[7]
China’s influence in Africa continues to deepen through both economic diplomacy and security cooperation. From an economic standpoint, the continent represents an opportunity for Chinese enterprises, given its underserved markets and rapidly growing population. As China increasingly recognises the strategic value of shaping public opinion—whether to secure votes in the United Nations (UN), enhance access to natural resources, or promote international adoption of the Renminbi—it seeks to expand its soft power influence in Africa.
A central component of this soft power strategy is media outreach. Over the years, China has invested substantially in state-run media organisations such as the Xinhua News Agency and China Central Television (CCTV) to project its narrative to global audiences. Chinese media entities have established “international communication centres” to cultivate overseas presence through websites, broadcast channels, and social media platforms. Beijing has also entered into partnerships with international media organisations to amplify its global voice.
Chinese media presence in Africa has grown substantially in recent years as part of Beijing’s broader effort to deepen its influence in the continent. This expansion aligns with China’s longstanding diplomatic relations with the continent, which began in the post-colonial era and gained momentum following the Bandung Conference in 1955. However, active media engagement only became prominent in the early 2000s, when China’s trade, investment, and diplomatic ties with Africa began to surge. This media engagement forms a core element of China’s global strategy to strengthen its soft power, particularly as it pursues economic, diplomatic, and geopolitical interests across the continent. With Africa positioned as a priority region within the BRI, Beijing has increased its media investments to counter Western narratives and advance China-friendly messaging.
China Global Television Network (CGTN): CGTN broadcasts across the continent from its Africa headquarters in Nairobi, Kenya. Established in 2012, CGTN Africa offers Chinese perspectives on African news. The network produces news in multiple languages, including English, French, and Swahili. It highlights stories about China-Africa cooperation, often emphasising Chinese investments in infrastructure and the positive outcomes of China-Africa relations.[8]
Chinese media organisations have also expanded their footprint into social media and digital content, adapting to Africa’s growing internet connectivity. Social media apps like TikTok and African websites featuring Chinese-sponsored content serve to amplify Chinese viewpoints on global affairs and African development.
The primary objective of China’s media expansion in Africa is to shape narratives and advance the country’s soft power.[12] Chinese media outlets aim to counter Western criticism and portray China’s economic and political model as conducive to African development, emphasising the importance of South-South cooperation. These outlets consistently portray China as a trustworthy ally to African nations.
By increasing China’s visibility across Africa through media, Beijing also seeks to reinforce its diplomatic ties through favourable coverage of Chinese investment projects, highlighting mutual benefits and interdependence. Chinese media outlets frequently highlight BRI-related projects, showcasing roads, railways, ports, and other infrastructure development.
Chinese media contrasts China’s rapid development with Western approaches, framing its model as more suitable for developing economies. This narrative is especially persuasive in nations that feel marginalised by Western economic policies. In addition to creating a positive narrative, Chinese media outlets actively seek to counter negative portrayals of China’s activities in Africa, particularly concerning debt-trap diplomacy, labour disputes, and environmental degradation.
Collaboration with African media is also central to China’s strategy. Chinese media organisations frequently partner with African outlets, providing funding, equipment, and training. However, such partnerships have raised concerns about journalistic independence, self-censorship, and alignment with Chinese viewpoints. Many African media outlets rely on syndicated content from Xinhua and other Chinese state-backed agencies. This dependence leads to editorial bias and constrains diverse perspectives in local news reporting. Some African governments have shown interest in adopting aspects of China’s media management model, emphasising strict government oversight, thereby sparking debates over press freedom.[13]
There are other concerns, too. These outlets often tout the job opportunities created by their investments in Africa, both in newsrooms and technical roles. Local hiring and skill transfer are highlighted as positive contributions to African economies. However, critics question whether the employment created is sustainable or merely short-term. Concerns have also been raised about wages, working conditions, and potential workforce exploitation.
Chinese media initiatives also support cultural outreach, including Mandarin language programmes, educational exchanges, and cultural content that introduces African audiences to Chinese traditions, values, and ideologies. These efforts to promote Chinese culture are met with mixed reactions, as African audiences seek representation of their own cultures. This tension highlights the need for Chinese media to integrate local themes in order to resonate with African viewers.[14]
Finally, Chinese media is also used as a tool for political influence, as it promotes China’s governance model—showcasing its centralised, authoritarian aspects as successful and efficient, particularly in terms of economic development.[15] China’s emphasis on respect for sovereignty and non-intervention aligns with the interests of many African leaders, particularly those in authoritarian states. Chinese media reinforces this model, depicting it as a respectful alternative to Western interventionism.
By positioning Beijing as a supporter of African agency and independence, these outlets attempt to foster a collective identity with China, reinforcing the idea that the two regions share similar goals of self-determined growth and prosperity. China aims to establish a stable, long-term influence in Africa through these efforts. The country’s strategy reflects not only its ambition to reshape global narratives but also its intention to deepen ties with African societies. Beijing aims to establish a robust support base across various spheres—political, economic, social, and cultural. However, this influence could prompt some African nations to adopt policies limiting free speech, press freedom, and other democratic norms.
Chinese investments in African media have produced both tangible and intangible impacts, influencing national media landscapes, public perceptions, and the broader socio-political environment. Over the years, Chinese media have published news stories highlighting China’s role in African infrastructure, trade, and development, often portraying China as a trusted ally and benefactor. Through these persistent narratives, Chinese media promote China’s state-led, rapid-development model as a viable alternative to Western democracy, influencing opinions among both African leaders and the public.
Furthermore, African media increasingly make use of syndicated content from Chinese outlets like Xinhua, which limits editorial independence and embeds pro-China narratives in local reporting.[16] Thus, African media outlets reliant on Chinese investors may be more hesitant to publish stories critical of China’s activities in Africa, including issues like labour exploitation, environmental impact, and debt dependency.
Chinese media investments include funding for digital infrastructure, studio equipment, and broadcasting technology, which help modernise African media. Chinese media organisations in Africa often hire local talent, providing jobs and technical training for African journalists, producers, and technicians, thereby building local media capacity. However, these investments also create technological dependencies on Chinese systems. They often accompany the promotion of Chinese digital and telecom technologies, integrating platforms like TikTok and Huawei infrastructure into African media, with implications for data security and autonomy.[17]
China offers scholarships and media training programmes for African journalists, exposing African media professionals to Chinese journalistic practices. Chinese-sponsored journalism forums and conferences create professional networks where African journalists are exposed to Chinese viewpoints, potentially leading to greater alignment in media narratives and a shared professional identity.
These investments have sparked various concerns and criticisms, particularly around issues of press freedom, transparency, cultural autonomy, and political influence. Studies based on extensive primary research have found that Chinese-sponsored media training programmes are often superficial and lack the depth needed to enhance participants’ journalistic skills.[18] Analysts note that Beijing is leveraging these initiatives to advance broader strategic objectives rather than building the skills of African journalists.
Chinese-backed media outlets, like CGTN Africa, are financially robust and often overshadow local media, capturing audiences and ad revenue that would otherwise support local media organisations. As African media increasingly rely on syndicated Chinese content, they risk becoming dependent on foreign information sources, which could reduce their capacity to produce original, locally relevant journalism.
In addition, African media organisations that receive funding or content from Chinese entities may be reluctant to publish critical stories about China, fearing repercussions or the loss of financial support. There is concern that Chinese influence discourages African media from pursuing investigative journalism, constraining reporting on issues related to China’s activities in Africa, including labour practices, environmental impact, and debt relations. Partnerships with Chinese media can lead to an editorial slant favouring pro-China narratives, effectively reducing the space for balanced, independent reporting on China-Africa relations.
Through the media, China promotes its cultural values, language, and political ideology, which some African audiences perceive as an attempt to displace or overshadow local African cultures and values. Critics worry that Chinese media is part of a broader strategy to increase China’s soft power in Africa, akin to neo-colonial influence, whereby China aims to shape African ideologies, cultures, and loyalties in alignment with its interests.[19]
The rise of Chinese digital platforms and their integration with African media raises concerns over data privacy and surveillance, as data generated in Africa may be accessible to Chinese companies and potentially the Chinese government. The details of these Chinese media partnerships in Africa are opaque, leading to suspicions about the motives behind their funding and content-sharing agreements, as well as potential conflicts of interest. The rise of Chinese-owned digital platforms, such as TikTok, raises concerns about data privacy and potential access by the Chinese government to African user data, which could enable surveillance and the loss of digital sovereignty.[20]
Influence is a complex and often elusive metric that is difficult to quantify. For example, while public opinion surveys suggest broadly favourable views of China across several African countries, the sentiment is far from uniform. As China deepens and diversifies its engagement with the continent, especially in the media space, its footprint remains uneven, varying from one region to another. This underscores the need to analyse China’s media strategy at both the regional and national levels. The following sections first examine why Kenya features prominently in Chinese calculations in Africa, and then will analyse the objectives and methods of Beijing’s media presence in the continent through a case study of StarTimes, the Chinese digital TV provider, in Kenya.
Kenya holds geopolitical importance for China owing to its strategic location, regional influence, and economic potential. Mombasa, a hub along China’s Maritime Silk Road (MSR), stands as one of the largest and busiest ports in East Africa. Furthermore, Kenya has emerged as a flagship partner in the implementation of the BRI on the African continent, hosting Chinese-funded infrastructure projects such as the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) linking Mombasa to Nairobi.[21]
Kenya’s media landscape is among the most dynamic and pluralistic in Africa, making it an attractive base for China’s media engagement and soft power initiatives. As a result, Chinese media organisations, including China Central Television (CCTV), China Daily, and China Radio International (CRI), have established their regional headquarters in Nairobi. In this capacity, Kenya serves as a regional media hub for China’s public diplomacy in Africa.
The China Global Television Network (CGTN) Africa is headquartered in Nairobi and operates as the regional broadcasting centre for Chinese state media operating in the continent.[22] It produces news, documentaries, and feature programming specifically tailored for African audiences, thereby enabling China to shape and disseminate its narrative across the continent. Similarly, Xinhua News Agency, China’s official state news service, maintains a regional bureau in Nairobi. Beyond covering East Africa, Xinhua also distributes syndicated content to local media outlets, further expanding China’s media influence in the region.
In the private sector, StarTimes, a Chinese digital television company, has established a presence in Kenya. The company maintains a dedicated content and strategy team in Nairobi. StarTimes’ emphasis on promoting local content and building local partnerships is closely aligned with the Chinese state’s strategic goals. Currently, the company boasts over 1.5 million subscribers in Kenya, positioning it just behind the dominant regional provider, MultiChoice.[23] Given its rapid expansion and competitive market positioning, StarTimes’ objectives, operations, and strategic direction in Kenya merit closer study.
The Kenyan subsidiary of StarTimes Media China launched its operations in 2012 under the name StarTimes Kenya as the company extended its African expansion. The company operates a platform that provides Digital Terrestrial Television (DTT) in combination with Direct-to-Home (DTH) satellite services, which deliver free-to-air (FTA) and pay-TV content to subscribers. StarTimes seized a crucial market position in pay-TV by entering Kenya during the analogue-to-digital broadcasting transition period, mandated by the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) and implemented through Kenyan government policies.[24]
Before StarTimes entered the market, the Kenyan pay-TV industry was monopolised by MultiChoice’s DStv, which served only high-income clients because of its expensive subscription fees. Digital television services were too costly for the average Kenyan home, and the digital infrastructure reached limited locations. StarTimes saw the market gap and found ways to make digital TV affordable. The company soon became a key player in Kenyan television, leveraging aggressive pricing strategies, localised content offerings, and marketing campaigns to achieve market disruption.[25]
The following paragraphs investigate StarTimes Kenya’s strategic business tactics for entering the market, its investments in digital infrastructure, content programming strategy, economic impact, competition with industry rivals, and its present challenges. It also examines the company’s role in developing Kenya’s digital broadcasting sector and its resilience against market competition.
The Kenyan market welcomed StarTimes at a turning point in the nation’s broadcasting industry. The country was transitioning to digital systems, which demanded that analogue TV viewers transition to digital reception. The company obtained broadcast licenses from the Communications Authority of Kenya (CAK), enabling it to commence operations and distribute set-top boxes to support the migration process.[26] Under its regulatory responsibilities, StarTimes had to maintain access to free-to-air (FTA) channels, safeguarding public broadcasting for consumers.
StarTimes expanded its market presence through partnerships with local broadcasters and electronic retailers. Through partnerships with electronics stores, the company provided easy access to StarTimes decoders across urban, peri-urban, and rural zones. StarTimes distinguished itself from its competitors by pursuing low-income rural customers as a primary audience, given that they were historically left out of digital migration programmes.[27]
The company executed aggressive marketing strategies, including roadshow demonstrations and content promotion through broadcast, social media platforms, and radio spots. The company organised educational programmes to teach consumers about digital migration and the advantages of paying for TV services. StarTimes collaborated on initiatives aligned with UNESCO’s goals, promoting digital literacy programmes while adding educational content to Kenya’s digital television framework.[28]
StarTimes has dedicated significant resources to developing infrastructure and technology, and invested in human capital to become Kenya’s dominant digital TV service provider. The company’s African expansion projects received US$220 million in funding,[29] with Kenya securing a substantial share.[30] These investments enabled StarTimes to establish regional headquarters, service centres, and broadcasting networks, thereby expanding the reach of its services throughout the country. The establishment of a studio and its Africa headquarters in Kenya reflects Star Times’ commitment to building local infrastructure that supports local content production and distribution capabilities within Kenya and beyond.[31]
The company’s rapid development has been driven by continuous technological advancement. StarTimes has introduced HD set-top boxes and smart decoders that provide better viewing experiences to its consumers. It has built mobile applications that enable smartphone and tablet users to stream live TV and on-demand video content.[32] Cloud-based broadcasting solutions have further enhanced operational efficiency by lowering costs and improving content availability for viewers.
Through its operations, StarTimes has created new employment opportunities across Kenya. The company has built a Kenyan workforce to handle functions across customer service, marketing, broadcasting, and technical support, thereby promoting local media development. Through its partnerships with Kenyan educational institutions, the company offers digital media training programmes for young professionals seeking to develop broadcast industry skills.[33]
StarTimes has built its business strategy by offering budget-friendly services alongside localised content, distinguishing it from the premium category led by DStv. StarTimes provides seven subscription packages to Kenyan customers, starting from KES 329 (approximately US$2.50) per month for essential services, and costing KES 1,799 (approximately US$14.00) per month for premium content. While StarTimes Basic, the most popular package, costs KES 749 (approximately US$6.00) per month, the Chinese package is the most expensive at KES 2,300 (approximately US$18.00) per month.[a],[34]
StarTimes has strengthened its market position through local content production by partnering with Kenyan filmmakers, media houses, and producers. The company has demonstrated its dedication to local customer preferences by establishing Rembo TV, which presents Swahili-language entertainment and talk shows alongside reality television content. According to scholar Avril Joffe (2023), the exclusive broadcasting rights that StarTimes acquired for UEFA Europa League matches and FIFA World Cup tournaments attracted a sizeable part of Kenya’s sports audience.[35]
StarTimes achieved its success through effective retail expansion and distribution methods. The company maintains solid retail relationships with electronic stores, supermarkets, and online platforms, which enhance both the accessibility of decoders and subscription packages. StarTimes enables its customers to renew subscriptions through mobile money options, including M-Pesa, so that they can make payments from any location.[36]
StarTimes provides a wide range of channels, and its programming consists of local Kenyan productions, international news and sports channels, as well as Chinese content. There are many free-to-air channels on StarTimes, too. While there are channels dedicated to Chinese content, they form part of a broader lineup that includes international non-Chinese channels. Additionally, the offerings include regional content. StarTimes has crafted a strategy to include a wide range of content, ensuring that both local Kenyan productions and international channels are well-represented.[37]
The Chinese content, which includes kung fu movies and documentaries on China’s development, is often dubbed in local languages, making it accessible to a broader audience and promoting a favourable image of China. That said, while Chinese perspectives are included, they do not dominate the programming, allowing for a balanced viewing experience.[38]
Kenya’s socioeconomic development and digital inclusion have received a boost because StarTimes provided affordable digital television services to millions of households throughout the country. The company’s “10,000 Villages Project” gives away complimentary digital TV equipment to community centres, poor households, and schools, enhancing access to educational channels.[39] The Chinese government subsidises the project.[40]
StarTimes also participates in cultural exchange initiatives, such as the “Hello Chinese” programme, to promote cultural exchanges and mutual understanding between China and other countries. This programme produces documentaries, facilitates language training, and organises cultural events that engage audiences in exploring Chinese culture, further reinforcing China’s cultural influence in Kenya.[41] Notably, China and Kenya have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to promote film and theatre in the country under the Kenya-China TV Theatre initiative. The initiative promotes joint productions and content sharing between Kenyan and Chinese media entities to foster collaboration, cultural enrichment, and technological capacity building for Kenyan creatives to benefit from Chinese production expertise.[42]
Through its efforts, StarTimes has supported Kenya’s local entertainment industry, generating employment for television personnel. Through its local content development investments, StarTimes has enabled Kenyan creative talent to display their abilities, strengthening cultural expression and entertainment production in the country. In collaboration with UNESCO, programmes that support media literacy development, youth empowerment, and gender equality have also been established.[43]
Despite its current achievements, StarTimes encounters hurdles in the Kenyan market. It faces regulatory challenges due to the Communications Authority of Kenya (CAK) requirements that mandate the company to provide free-to-air services while complying with local content standards.[44] The company has encountered legal difficulties in content licensing and copyright enforcement, negatively affecting its ability to obtain exclusive broadcasting rights.
The pay-TV industry in Kenya is highly competitive, with StarTimes competing against MultiChoice’s DStv, Zuku, and GOtv, which also offer digital television services to local audiences. The shift toward on-demand content has accelerated due to the rising popularity of streaming platforms.[45] Market expansion efforts are also constrained by broader economic factors, including changes in household income patterns and insufficient rural infrastructure.
For decades, China’s growing influence in Africa was epitomised by large-scale infrastructure projects. In recent years, however, Beijing has sought to extend its reach beyond physical infrastructure, aiming instead to develop a positive image, influence perceptions, and shape narratives across the continent. Through a strategic combination of diplomacy, financial investment, and soft power, China has increasingly engaged with African media as a vehicle for advancing its geopolitical objectives. By partnering with local media outlets and supporting journalist training programmes, China has expanded its media presence in Africa to reshape perceptions and promote its image as a provider of resources and assistance, as well as a model for development and governance.
In contrast, the presence of Western media in Africa remains relatively limited. The BBC, which has maintained a presence owing to the United Kingdom’s colonial legacy, continues to be one of the most prominent foreign media outlets in the continent. However, its influence is more historical than indicative of current growth. As Western media influence in Africa has largely plateaued, Chinese state-backed media organisations have witnessed substantial and rapid expansion.
Given this backdrop, StarTimes is working towards its broader goal of becoming Africa’s leading digital media group. The company continues to intensify its support for local content development in Kenya by focusing on exclusive local productions, introducing new channels and content genres, and enhancing the regional and global visibility of Kenyan and African content, particularly within Africa and China.
With operations covering over 30 African countries, the company is on its way to establishing a dominant presence with a robust network of business operations. Its future in Kenya and Africa is promising, focusing on expanding digital media, promoting local content, and contributing to stronger cultural and people-to-people engagement across the continent.
StarTimes’ entry into Kenya has transformed the media landscape by making digital TV accessible, creating jobs, and fostering partnerships while also serving as an instrument of Chinese soft power. Kenya’s market and the digital media space continue to welcome the company as an important player despite regulatory pressures, market competition, and evolving consumer preferences. The company has shown resilience, the ability to innovate its services and strategies, and has integrated itself into the local landscape by establishing close ties with local actors and stakeholders to protect its market presence. StarTimes’ ability to adapt to modern industry trends will help the company maintain its dominance as it leads Kenya’s digital television industry into the future.
StarTimes has also invested in infrastructure development in countries like Tanzania, where it partnered with the Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation for digital migration. The emphasis on local content production and distribution is a strategy that has also been applied in countries like Nigeria and South Africa. Therefore, StarTimes media promotes Chinese influence in Africa by distributing Chinese content, developing media infrastructure, engaging in soft power initiatives, facilitating cultural exchanges, and forming strategic partnerships.
Indeed, Chinese influence in Kenya has deepened through both economic diplomacy and security cooperation. StarTimes’ operations help entrench this influence further. While Kenyan viewers have benefited from the entry of StarTimes, the company’s workings have also subtly created a favourable image of China among the local population. For example, Kenya’s ruling United Democratic Alliance has expressed interest in building a CCP leadership school in Nairobi. Beijing will likely finance and develop Nairobi’s new foreign ministry headquarters along with this school. These investments, accompanied by favourable reporting of Chinese activities, are likely to promote China’s soft power in Kenya and across the continent.
In its 2018 report, “China’s Pursuit of a New World Media Order”, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) issued 15 recommendations to curb Beijing’s expanding sway over global media.[46] The watchdog called on democratic governments, newsrooms, media organisations, publishers, and digital platforms to take coordinated action. The report flagged Africa as a key focal point of Chinese media activity, highlighting the continent as a testing ground for Beijing’s efforts to reshape global information flows and promote state-driven narratives through strategic media investments and partnerships.
Meanwhile, as StarTimes becomes more deeply embedded in Kenya and Africa’s media landscape, concerns are growing over whether local journalists can uphold impartiality and maintain editorial independence. China’s expanding presence is not limited to infrastructure and investment. It now includes a concerted effort to influence narratives through media partnerships and training programmes. As Beijing strengthens its strategic foothold across the continent, the potential impact on journalistic freedom and the autonomy of the press becomes increasingly significant. The evolving relationship between African media and Chinese state-backed outlets raises broader questions about influence, sovereignty, and the future of independent reporting.
StarTimes’ entry into the Kenyan market has expanded access to digital television in Kenya by offering subscription packages as low as US$4 per month. This affordability has enabled millions of Kenyans to enjoy quality content without financial strain, broadening the audience for both local and international productions. Consequently, more households have transitioned from analogue to digital broadcasting, improving TV reception quality and access to diverse content.
Since it entered Kenya in 2012, StarTimes has heavily invested in digital broadcasting infrastructure covering the entire country. This has ensured improved connectivity even in rural areas. Its content and programming have played a subtle but big role in promoting Chinese culture and perspectives in Kenya.
StarTimes has collaborated with various entities to promote local talent and content creation, fostering growth in Kenya’s creative industry by providing platforms for showcasing films and TV programmes. The company’s self-produced channel, Rembo TV, focuses on East African stories and reality shows, offering culturally relevant programming to Kenyan audiences while creating opportunities for local filmmakers, actors, and producers. Despite being a private company with diversified programming and a focus on local content, its close ties with the Chinese government have come under increasing scrutiny. It has been accused of advancing pro-China narratives, unlike other international and local media channels that do not shy away from criticising Beijing.
Furthermore, the dominant role and multifaceted expansion of StarTimes could lead to a loss of diversity in editorial perspectives on China, potentially undermining local media perspectives. Additionally, the company’s digital infrastructure push may create dependencies on Chinese technology and financing, limiting African countries’ ability to independently develop their own media and communication sectors.
As China expands its media presence, there are also fears about potential interference in African political processes and the manipulation of public opinion by foreign actors. As things stand, StarTimes is poised to maintain its heft in shaping China-Africa relations. African countries like Kenya must now balance the benefits of Chinese media investment with the need to protect media pluralism and national sovereignty. As China’s influence grows, African stakeholders must navigate these dynamics to ensure that their media landscapes remain inclusive and reflective of local perspectives.
Cliff Mboya is Post-Doctoral Research Fellow, Afro Sino Centre of International Relations (ASCIR).
Samir Bhattacharya is Associate Fellow, Africa, Strategic Studies Programme, ORF.
All views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors, and do not represent the Observer Research Foundation, either in its entirety or its officials and personnel.
[a] StarTimes Kenya subscriptions offer flexibility to customers who may want to change packages, thus allowing it to serve cost-sensitive viewers who previously could not afford pay-TV subscriptions.
[1] Alex Vines OBE & John Wallace (2023), “A Brief History of China-Africa Relations,” Chatham House, https://www.chathamhouse.org/2023/01/china-africa-relations
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[16] Michael Leslie, “The Influence of Chinese News in English on Mass Media in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Case Study of Kenyan and South African Journalism and Media Content,” Hong Kong Baptist University, 2016, https://asq.africa.ufl.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/168/v16a11.Leslie_M.pdf
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[44] Communications Authority of Kenya (CAK), “Regulatory directives for pay-TV providers”, 2021, https://ca.go.ke
[45] Njanja, “StarTimes Pumps Sh200m Into TV Channel for Women.”
[46] Reporters Without Borders, “China’s Pursuit of a New World Media Order, 2018,” https://rsf.org/sites/default/files/en_rapport_chine_web_final.pdf
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Cliff Mboya is Post-Doctoral Research Fellow, Afro Sino Centre of International Relations (ASCIR). ...
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Samir Bhattacharya is an Associate Fellow at Observer Research Foundation (ORF), where he works on geopolitics with particular reference to Africa in the changing global ...
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