When we take stock of recent developments in the India-China relationship, Galwan 2020 will live on in India’s psyche on account of China’s stealthy and unprovoked aggression, akin to Pearl Harbour for the Americans in 1941. The Galwan confrontation, which resulted in Indian and Chinese casualties and deaths, was a turning point in the relations between the two Asian powers and looms large over the dynamics of the two nations.
The Galwan confrontation, which resulted in Indian and Chinese casualties and deaths, was a turning point in the relations between the two Asian powers and looms large over the dynamics of the two nations.
India has time and again underscored that China has lost trust and goodwill. The Indian position on the border situation can be gauged from the terse assessments of both the foreign and defence ministers. On the sidelines of a G20 meet in March 2023, Indian Foreign Minister Dr S Jaishankar described the relationship as “
abnormal”. In April 2023, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh told his counterpart that China’s actions had “
violated the basis” of relations between the two nations. While the global spotlight turned to the India-China border following the 2020 clashes, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) sought to widen the theatre of conflict after opening a new front in Arunachal Pradesh in the eastern sector. In December 2022, things again came to a head in Arunachal’s Tawang region after Indian and Chinese soldiers had a confrontation, which, in the
assessment of the Indian government, was China’s attempt to “unilaterally alter the status quo”. In recent years, China has demonstrated its intent to redraw borders first by
laying claims to the state of Arunachal Pradesh, and now by
renaming towns there and issuing
stapled visas to its inhabitants.
Despite the boundary question hanging fire for more than 70 years and a war in 1962, the India-China border was relatively peaceful. But the rise and consolidation of Xi Jinping in China has transformed the security calculus. China’s internal propaganda has sought to play up Xi’s role in the transformation of the PLA as a modern force. An assessment by China’s Central Military Commission (CMC) published in
People’s Daily states that the armed forces had been vulnerable before Xi took over in 2012 and that he shouldered the task of rebuilding the army and ridding it of corrupt generals. It may be recalled that there was a purge of senior
CMC figures shortly after Xi took over on grounds that they had been responsible for pocketing bribes in exchange for handing out promotions in the armed forces. The downfall of senior figures in the military establishment revealed the extent of the unholy practice of buying ranks in the services, which has raised questions on the combat preparedness of one of the world’s largest armies. To top it all off, Indian forces were able to stall China’s road construction activity in Doklam in 2017, which led to a tense stand-off between the two armies. While both forces later pulled back, the PLA felt “humiliated” and “got even” in Galwan to avenge its retreat.
An assessment by China’s Central Military Commission (CMC) published in People’s Daily states that the armed forces had been vulnerable before Xi took over in 2012 and that he shouldered the task of rebuilding the army and ridding it of corrupt generals.
In an average life, a septuagenarian is usually riding into the sunset. As opposed to that, nations in their 70s, toughened by years of trials and tribulation, acquire confidence and resolve to tackle challenges. China’s belligerence is boosted by the massive development of border infrastructure. India was alive to China bolstering infrastructure along the border; in 2013, then
Defence Minister, A.K. Antony, commended the facilities as being better than India’s. Defence planners of yore deliberately did not develop
critical facilities along India’s borders as it was believed that it would slacken a possible Chinese advance in the eventuality of an attack.
However, as a rising power, there is a new confidence among India’s strategists with infrastructure development along the border. In Ladakh alone, as many as
54 projects in 2023, mainly motorways and bridges, will be completed by the Border Roads Organisation. In 2021 and 2022, the agency had accomplished
45 similar projects in the region. Thanks to a new outreach programme, the periphery has taken centre stage. Under the ‘
Vibrant Villages Programme’, nearly 3,000 villages along the India-China border will get better infrastructure facilities in the form of better roads, power projects, and improved mobile-phone connectivity. By making border lands habitable, the government hopes to arrest migration to cities in search of livelihood opportunities, thereby, enhancing India’s border security. Further cementing this initiative will be
village council chiefs from Arunachal Pradesh taking pride of place during the Independence Day function at the Red Fort.
By making border lands habitable, the government hopes to arrest migration to cities in search of livelihood opportunities, thereby, enhancing India’s border security.
When faced with threats from stronger states, nations come together to form an alliance in an attempt to deter the latter. India has shed its reticence and come together with like-minded partners, who either share concerns about China or are affected by its aggression—Australia, Japan, and the United States (US)—to form the
Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Confidence in one’s abilities goes hand-in-hand with moderate risk-taking. Notwithstanding China’s objections, India included
Australia in the Malabar naval exercise in 2021, and concluded war exercises with the
US military near the China border in December 2022, shortly after China’s Tawang misadventure. Now there is greater synergy among the Quad squad at the political executive level, which culminated in the foreign ministers of Australia, India, Japan, and the US attending the
Raisina Dialogue this year.
PM Narendra Modi’s address to the US were peppered with clues as to how he plans to take on the China challenge. First, he cautioned about “dark clouds of
coercion and confrontation” over the Indo-Pacific. Second, he presented a vision of India’s partnership with the US. Having shed “
hesitations of history”, India is looking to partner with the US on
semiconductor production,
space exploration, and join manufacture of
jet engines. Thus, the endeavour is to develop its technological armoury with American expertise in its endeavour to combat the China challenge.
The endeavour is to develop its technological armoury with American expertise in its endeavour to combat the China challenge.
To conclude, as China’s domestic compulsions push it to adopt an aggressive attitude to enforce its territorial claims, India at 76 has shown greater confidence to push back against Chinese designs by according priority to development of border regions. India’s ability to forge new partnerships with the West and like-minded allies has shown that it is getting ready for a long game with China.
Kalpit Mankikar is a Fellow with the Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation.
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