India revised its target to reduce the carbon intensity of its GDP to 45 percent by 2030, more ambitious than the earlier target of 34 percent. These National carbon emission targets were globally appreciated and have further strengthened its leadership position in climate action. To achieve this, there is a strong need to rally the states and Union Territories (UTs) around this. For instance, during the unveiling of India’s ‘Long-Term Low-Carbon Development Strategy’ at the recent COP27 Summit, the states/UTs seem to be non-participants. In line with the spirit of cooperative federalism and ‘Team India’, the country must leapfrog to a new paradigm of inter-state/UT cooperation on climate actions. Making states/UTs active partners can improve the efficacy of public sector actions. Using the methods that worked for Goods and Services Tax (GST) may be something that can be considered.

Role of states

Provisions in the Constitution of India, legislations of the Parliament, executive orders, and judicial decisions enable states/UTs to have a substantial influence on matters pertaining to land, electricity, mobility, labour, pollution control, skill building, law and order, financial incentives for commercial activities, etc. Therefore, states/UTs can become prime movers in the last mile through interventions in policy, regulation, and project implementation. During the ongoing winter session of Parliament, the Prime Minister of India also emphasised the potential of India's cooperative federalism in becoming 'a torch bearer of the world' in achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) while addressing its Rajya Sabha

An important case in point can be electricity distribution, where states can exponentially augment India’s clean energy ambitions.

Today, though a project is conceived, financed, and implemented by central agencies, site-specific mobilisation of resources requires the active cooperation of the states/UTs. An important case in point can be electricity distribution, where states can exponentially augment India’s clean energy ambitions. Furthermore, they can directly support municipal corporations/village panchayats in innovating customised approaches for faster and inclusive adoption of national climate goals in line with the socioeconomic and cultural sensitivities of the region.

India’s ‘Intranational COP’

While many states/UTs are promulgating policies within their jurisdictions to achieve a net-zero future, the initiatives seem to be working in isolation. Climate action is a unifying theme, and creating a forum similar to the Goods and Services Taxes (GST) council, which created successful engagement models during the pan-India roll-out of GST, can be helpful. This intra-country group, Intranational COP, can offer opportunities for sharing a stage across parties in a neutral setting where outcome-oriented conversations can take place. It can kindle the friendly spirit of cooperative and competitive federalism with each state/UT committing to bolder actions towards net zero. It can potentially introduce new evaluation parameters for measuring the performance of stakeholders based on their ability to build consensus across boundaries while keeping aside their myopic and constricted vote-bank-centered politics.

Climate action is a unifying theme, and creating a forum similar to the Goods and Services Taxes (GST) council, which created successful engagement models during the pan-India roll-out of GST, can be helpful

It may be argued that India already has the mechanism of interstate councils to discuss interstate coordination issues. However, they have increasingly been reduced in resolving interstate disputes. Climate change, however, is a new and dynamic topic for all stakeholders. It is an equaliser where no state/UT has any inherent advantageous positions. States/UTs can learn best practices from each other to implement, achieve, and measure the outcomes of their actions.

Common but differentiated responsibilities

It can also be a forum similar to COP but attending to intra-national issues. For example, it is well-established that some parts of India are economically more developed as compared to others. This translates to the fact that the relatively more prosperous regions contribute more to India's carbon emissions. Such states are better positioned to initially invest in expensive low-carbon technologies and disseminate them to achieve economies of scale. IndiaCOP can provide a candid environment to express such issues. It can unleash creative mechanisms to offset regional imbalances while respecting local cultural sensitivities. It can provide a platform for states/UTs to forge MOUs that complement each other’s strengths while filling up the gaps in technical/financial/people resources. For e.g., small hilly states have good hydroelectric power potential, but they may lack financial wherewithal; states like Rajasthan have good solar energy potential but currently lack sufficient trained manpower, etc.

The mechanisms of climate funding and allocation, led by the Finance Commission, can be debated and agreed upon on this platform.

Intranational COP can be a dedicated flagship platform to thrash out a national consensus on India’s climate goals and the means to achieve them. For example, the Finance Commission can play a role in allocating capital based on the climate actions and needs of states. The mechanisms of climate funding and allocation, led by the Finance Commission, can be debated and agreed upon on this platform. Such a consensus will enjoy double legitimacy as it is arrived at collectively by the union and state/UT governments. Its success can then become a template for federal nations across the world to engage with provincial/local governments with diverse socio-political and economic challenges. It can score a big win in promoting India’s soft power, especially as it takes on the presidency of the G20.

• Climate Change
• India
• carbon emission
• climate action
• COP27
• Law and Order
• pollution control
• SDGs
• solar energy

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