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Reported problems with a new communications satellite have once again placed New Delhi’s space capabilities under scrutiny.
Although India has confirmed it will sign the FTA with EEU, it now needs to take forward the negotiations quickly. The FTA is not just significant from the economic viewpoint but also to counter the growing influence of China in the central Asian region.
Though the interaction between the two leaders is notable, there is reason for skepticism and managing expectations.
One of the primary objectives for both New Delhi and Tokyo is to prevent the rise of a unipolar Asia dominated by one single hegemonic power. It is this political objective that has been driving the relationship.
A closer look at what relations between Washington and Moscow mean for New Delhi.
Though the decision itself may not have been surprising, the consequences could be serious for New Delhi’s security.
While the controversy risked being added to the list of issues both sides are having, thus far the fallout has been managed relatively well.
The trip produced a mixed outlook for New Delhi’s perceptions of Beijing’s inroads in the wider Indo-Pacific.
PM Narendra Modi and SL President Wickremesinghe inaugurates UPI services:
It's time to ensure that India-US ties stay course — reaffirmed at the meeting — without the whim of Modi and Trump coming in the way.
Geography necessitates that India play a role in the Belt and Road Initiative, but it is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor that’s keeping it away.
Indian presence is already being felt across the South Asian region, more than in the past. The situation is still evolving. The question is: Should India allow things to continue taking the evolutionary route or jack-boot its way, which is neither des irable, nor workable - and hence unthinkable for New Delhi too!
The agenda for change is a large one. This list or any other can be multiplied several times and still come up short. But the compulsions of reform are urgent. With a bulging profile of young people, India is said to be on the cusp of a demographic dividend. But that dividend could well become a nightmare unless we are able to fix our politics, our governance system, economy, national security machinery.
While Indian officials have participated in events where the Taliban have been present, India has been content to let others take the lead. We have, therefore, been unable to plan options for ensuring security of both the Indian nationals working in Afghanistan as well the diplomats at our embassy in Kabul, and this remains the primary responsibility at the moment.
How can we differentiate ourselves from China whilst dealing with Africa? Clearly the worst option would be to emulate the muscular Chinese style of economic diplomacy. For one we just don't have the firepower. For another the principle of comparative advantage advocates that everyone must play to their strengths.
Strikingly similar to the crisis that Iran faced at the IAEA Board meeting in Vienna last weekend, India too found itself in a tight spot in April 1994 at the United Nations Human Rights Commission's annual session in Geneva.
What is a secret? Sometimes, it is a conundrum presented this way: The Indian “surgical strikes” across the line of control are a secret at varying levels not only in India, but also in Pakistan
Prime Minister Abe has been one of the strongest pillars of the India-Japan bilateral ties since 2006.
India’s membership of the SCO is a manifestation of the reality that India’s interests are as much in the Indian Ocean as the Eurasian landmass.
With tectonic and technological challenges causing disruptions, the neat correlation of a big economy with big power that bears big responsibilities is under scrutiny.
Fixing manufacturing and acquisitions alone will not work. Nirmala Sitharaman needs to urgently tackle the need to reorganise India’s sprawling military to make them an effective fighting unit for 21st century warfare, where challenges range from nuclear armed adversaries to proxy jihadis.
The Russian president, who will be in New Delhi on December 6, is not just coming to maintain the ‘special, privileged strategic partnership’, but to also deepen bilateral relations
Compared to the increasing suicide attacks the world over, India has, by and large, remained safe from these assaults. The reason is that Indian Muslims have a strong sense of Indian identity. In both their grievances and aspirations they think like their fellow Indian citizens, rather through any religious or sectarian prism.
The Japanese Prime Minister may have won a battle, but the war remains.
The CPEC may be a bilateral endeavour, but New Delhi cannot ignore its spillover effects on regional governance and regime creation in South Asia
Japan knows India is the best possible regional counter-weight to a rising China. At the same time, it has to work with China to counter global uncertainties.
India, in the new report, falls squarely in the “opportunity” category, rather than in that of “threats” or even “competition” for the US.
In India, the office of the foreign minister doesn't command nearly the sort of authority it should, or it did in the past. While foreign policy in other countries is influenced by domestic politics, in India it's being completely overshadowed by intra-party and intra-government feuds.
The issues in Afghanistan do not exhaust potential areas for India-US cooperation. For example, combating the drug trade, engaging China, Central Asian nations, Iran, and Russia. Successful coordination and collaboration will go a long way towards creating a post-2014 Afghan scenario amenable to both India and the US.
India’s presidency must leave the grouping with the agility and energy to respond to new realities, and it must create a future-ready multilateralism through a novel and robust institutional architecture
A closer look at what Sri Lanka’s recent election results may mean for ties between New Delhi and Colombo.
The state’s monopoly of violence is accepted only if it follows the rule of law; if it doesn’t, it justifies the breaking of its monopoly by individuals, mobs and insurgents.
A recent engagement spotlighted the broader strategic collaboration between the two countries in this realm.
For now, India’s role in the Western Pacific region remains symbolic, and in the Indo-Pacific context, confined to the Indian Ocean Region.
While the impetus for closer alignment is clear, much work remains to be done on the security side and within the wider bilateral relationship.
India has yet to decide how to frame its national interests in outer space in a way that promotes both its own national requirements and global needs — it has an opportunity to take the lead.
India, France and the UAE, which share strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific, met for a ministerial meeting on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly last week.
