Expert Speak Young Voices
Published on Jun 13, 2019
It is ironical that despite being an outsider the governor manages to strike a chord with the locals. What is it that the governor does right which even the most rooted Kashmiri political parties get wrong?
Why governors are more favoured than elected governments in Kashmir

The state of Jammu and Kashmir has come under central rule eight times since independence. There is a feeling within the state hat each time the governor has taken over the reins of the administration, the valley has experienced better governance, barring some exceptions. This suggests a disconnect between the local political parties and their understanding of Kashmiri aspirations; because each time they form the government in the volatile state the files of development suddenly stop moving.

It is ironical that despite being an outsider the governor manages to strike a chord with the locals. What is it that the governor does right which even the most rooted Kashmiri political parties get wrong?

After the breakdown of the PDP-BJP alliance, Jammu and Kashmir is once again under the president’s rule and Governor Satya Pal Malik has been put in charge to have a healing touch to the otherwise restive state. The fact that he is a quintessential politician is indicative of New Delhi’s intention of not having a strictly securitised approach to Kashmir. Governor Malik swung into action as soon as he landed in Kashmir and his approach has been one of pragmatism blended with the right amount of perspicacity. The call for Urban Local Body (ULB) elections by the governor was a bold move that was carried out despite widespread opposition from across the valley and even beyond the borders. The political approach was given its due share under Governor Satyapal Malik’s tenure.

Kashmiri youth have felt alienated by the state machinery and the society at large for the longest time and have been vulnerable to radicalisation due to lack of opportunities in the state. A sense of alienation, dejection and distrust in the administration has been a problem in Kashmir and this is precisely what the Governor Satya Pal Malik chose to address.

Starting with big-ticket projects such as the setting up of two new AIIMS in both Jammu & Kashmir and additionally five new medical colleges, the governor took cognizance of the long pending infrastructural development projects that have been lying in the pipeline for the longest time. Other projects such as road and local developmental works that had been stalled for a variety of reasons have started moving ever since the governor took over. Kashmiris are rather appreciative of the administration that is run by someone who seemingly represents the powers that rule from hundreds of miles away.

Further, Kashmiri youth have felt alienated by the state machinery and the society at large for the longest time and have been vulnerable to radicalisation due to lack of opportunities in the state. A sense of alienation, dejection and distrust in the administration has been a problem in Kashmir and this is precisely what the governor chose to address. One of the first orders that the Governor passed upon taking responsibility was the releasing of funds amounting to Rs 43 crore for the construction of football stadiums in almost all districts. A number of committees have been set up to overlook the efforts for youth empowerment, counter-radicalisation and education at the district level which report directly to the governor on a monthly basis.

The elected dilemma

Governor’s rule is not the way forward in any democracy, and is unsustainable in the long term. After the successful conclusion of the Lok Sabha polls, elections in the state are now on the horizon. This is an ideal time for the local political parties to introspect on their past governance failures and figure out how to improve their administrative and governance record. While governing, most elected governments have resorted to an approach driven by a mix of coercion and consent. Political dissidents are coerced into submission one way or the other; while various socio-cultural policies are implemented to manufacture social consent from which the government draws legitimacy and a moral standing to govern.

Governor’s rule is not the way forward in any democracy, and is unsustainable in the long term.

Most elected governments tend to reek of nepotism & corruption that are, more often than not, not aligned with Kashmiri aspirations. Even minor local level developmental works such as construction of roads, public buildings, etc are driven more by the local MLA’s private interests than that of the people which it is actually supposed to serve. The dismal and feckless governance record of elected governments in Kashmir has come to a historic low-point.

A perpetual cycle of governance & misgovernance

The elected representatives are usually locked in personal battles of outwitting each other despite belonging to the same political party or ideology. And they do so without any concerns about the costs this imposes on local governance. In 1979 the Planning Commission had approved an irrigation project that would have cost the state exchequer a mere 2 crores. The project was initiated by Sheikh Abdullah in 1981, took three decades to complete and was finally inaugurated by his grandson Omar Abdullah in 2009.The cost of the project had catapulted to 70 crores and yet it remains incomplete to this day, forcing the governor to step in for additional funds from the centre and finally kickstart the project. One can only imagine the utter frustration of the people with the elected official who claim to truly represent Kashmiri aspirations.

Every time the elected governments have come to the helm of affairs in Kashmir, they make a mess of policy implementation and the ensuing governor’s rule has to clean up to win back the trust and faith of Kashmiris in the administration.

Another case in point of the ineptitude of successive elected governments is the Roshni Scheme that was passed as a law to sell encroached lands to the encroachers themselves and use the money generated from the said scheme to develop the power sector. Alas, the Roshni Scheme never saw the light of the day let alone light up the lives of the Kashmiri people. Turns out the scheme was a mechanism set up for fraud & corruption and was only meant for the elected representatives to fill their own coffers. The State Advisory Council (SAC) headed by Governor Satya Pal Malik had to step in and completely scrap the policy. Every time the elected governments have come to the helm of affairs in Kashmir, they make a mess of policy implementation and the ensuing governor’s rule has to clean up to win back the trust and faith of Kashmiris in the administration.

Lessons to be learned

Governor Satya Pal Malik expressed recently that President’s rule must end in Kashmir and that elections should be held as and when the Election Commission finds the environment conducive. Local Kashmiri political parties would do well if they took a cue from the governor’s rule. They need to be in sync with the developmental aspirations of the people of the state, something that will restore the faith and trust of the people in the political process to address their existential issues.

Firstly, the devolution of powers that they have resisted over the years which was initiated during Governor N.N. Vohra’s tenure and implemented by Satya Pal Malik is an absolute must for better governance to prevail in the valley. Although the major regional parties in Kashmir decided against participating in the Urban Local Body elections and the voter turnout was considerably low in Kashmir, Jammu & Ladakh posted high enthusiasm from the people. This also resulted in young and new faces emerging in local body elections supported either by the BJP or Congress or even independents who may render the erstwhile ‘representatives’ of Kashmiri aspirations irrelevant. Thus, it would do them only good if they can share their powers and let democracy take roots at the lowermost levels of Kashmiri politics.

Although the major regional parties in Kashmir decided against participating in the Urban Local Body elections and the voter turnout was considerably low in Kashmir, Jammu & Ladakh posted high enthusiasm from the people.

Secondly, it would be too idealistic to say elected representatives must look beyond their personal interests. What’s done is done; however, the way forward would be a course correction that would not encourage nepotism and corruption. Infrastructure projects that have been stalled for the longest time can be restarted with the hopes that it would be received well by the Kashmiri populace.

Thirdly, and most importantly, the next elected government must aim at killing militancy and not just militants. Development in the volatile state of Jammu & Kashmir hinges upon the security status and also the belief of the people in the state administration. The politicians might as well take cues from the current governor’s initiatives of setting up committees that overlook youth empowerment, anti-radicalisation and job generation measures that report on a regular basis. The Kashmiri youth is going to define the idea of Kashmir and the state must pay heed. The idea of militancy is to be countered more than the militants themselves. The sense of alienation that prevails in the young impressionable minds must go.

Kashmir has been known as the ‘Heaven on Earth’ but the state has only dwindled into a quagmire of misgovernance that is not an outcome of security issues exclusively. Much of the problems could be resolved if policies are implemented keeping the Kashmiris in mind rather than the ruling elite. The local political parties must circumspect and understand the gravitas of their misdeeds over the past decades if they are to stay relevant in Kashmiri politics. Governors have come and gone over the years and they have mostly been outsiders; yet garnered more appreciation than elected governments ever could. It is not to advocate for a perpetual governor’s rule in Kashmir but maybe the governor’s way to run an administration would be a good place to start.


The author is a research intern at ORF, New Delhi.

The views expressed above belong to the author(s). ORF research and analyses now available on Telegram! Click here to access our curated content — blogs, longforms and interviews.