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Kathmandu has repeatedly indicated that it wants to maintain a balance between India and China.
The India-US relationship is far too valuable to be frittered away through pig-headedness on eminently resolvable trade issues.
Like it or not, the term ‘Indo Pacific’ seems to be a means of including India in the military calculations of US strategy in the Pacific.
If it wants to be a source of regional stability, it must act like one.
The idea of hotline, now stuck up on protocol issues, will play a role in reducing tensions between India and China.
Laying down the rules of the road is a task that should not be left until Space is highly weaponised. Aside from the political and strategic value, India has a huge financial stake given its investments and reliance in this regard.
India is located at such a prime position that it can't miss out the opportunity to be part of the MSR. Both the Marine Silk Road and the continental Silk Road --which is going to connect China with the central Asia -- are going to pass from India's periphery. India could gain a lot from being an active partner to the MSR. And, not joining it may isolate India.
As an aspiring global power, what India should take note of is that the TTIP will potentially contribute greatly to the evolution of rules of global trade, particularly in areas where multilateral-level consensus is still elusive. It is in India's interests to keep a close watch of the situation and make necessary interventions.
There are lessons we can learn from Pakistan unless we want to end up like them.
As India is all set to take over the G20 presidency from Indonesia on 1 December 2022 till 30 November 2023, it should step up its game and distinguish itself as Africa’s partner with a difference
The US merely followed the lead of Britain in pushing the UN resolutions of 1948 making a dispute out of India’s complaint of Pakistani aggression in Kashmir.
Despite 70 years of unremitting and implacable hostility, New Delhi still does not know how to deal with Islamabad.
A country that spends 15 per cent of its Central expenditure on national defence (armed forces and DRDO) and 23 per cent on national security (armed forces and all other security forces like para-military, police) must explain to its citizens as to whether its spending on security is justifiably utilised or not.
As five states in India go to the polls in the coming weeks, it seems the 'silly season' is upon us. We are being saturated with inanities masquerading as "political discourse". The problem, however, is that as these samples of ludicrousness tumble out in a disturbingly steady stream, we actually engage with them in earnestness.
The Russian attack on Ukraine’s agricultural industry has largely destroyed the agricultural supply chain. The impact has been felt on the Indian economy as well.
New Delhi's labyrinthine procurement organization is an obstacle to the country's national security. And the external security threats that India confronts, especially that from Beijing, will not miraculously disappear.
KP Sharma Oli, who is bitterly anti-Indian, is likely to return to the prime minister's office.
With Tamil Nadu CM Jayalalithaa linking the officially-blessed second round of fishers' talks in Colombo, scheduled for 13 March, to the release of all fishers arrested by the Sri Lankan Navy, questions have arisen about the future course.
The CBI is #IASmukt, as is the CVC, whose commissioners are former income-tax, police and bank officials.
The country won’t have the resources required to modernise and equip the armed forces, or the wherewithal to project power in its neighbourhood and beyond.
The new budget does little to advance the very objectives the country has outlined for itself.
It is essential that the government goes ahead and tables the NSRA Bill.
China invested more than USD 100 billion overseas last year alone. Its cumulative investments in Myanmar total USD 14.2 billion. The real question is why Chinese investment in India has lagged so far behind. Political mistrust is certainly a large part of the answer.
Depletion of natural capital is an irreversible process and steps to assess and combat this are needed urgently.
Indian decision-makers appear to live in splendid isolation and do not recognise the importance of meetings like the Pacific Army Chiefs Conference. These meetings have become more institutionalised and are likely to gain greater momentum.
Does Indian Foreign Policy towards West Asia have to be as fragmented as the region? Probably not. One could start by enunciating a few guidelines that are minimalist; that we are against religious extremism, toppling established states and condemning disproportionate use of force by Israel.
The Indian tendency to muddle through is likely to continue when it comes to counter-insurgency. The distance between the Army and its civilian masters is so gaping that advice, however enriched by experience and reflection, is likely to fall on deaf ears.
The West, often used to a pontificating India of the past, today hears an Indian voice that is capable of articulating a narrative of a responsible stakeholder that is firmly steeped in its own ethos
India needs to be aware of the potentially disastrous consequences for its national security.
The development of the Chabahar port needs to be viewed as Iran’s call for “engagement”.
As the European Union has recently started to look beyond China, labeling it as a strategic competitor in 2019, new partnerships would be needed and are being codified. Italy too needs to respond fast to this evolving strategic reality by framing its own approach to the Indo-Pacific in general and India in particular.
Strong Republican support for India in the US Congress, the new tensions in America's ties with China and Russia, and the unfolding geopolitical flux in Middle East and Asia, make it possible for Modi and Obama to boldly reimagine the bilateral partnership.
New Delhi and Washington need to be mindful of the larger Asian strategic issues that have brought the two closer in the first place.
Fumio Kishida’s victory owes much to LDP’s conservative wing and many of his foreign policy actions will function within the parameters that former prime minister Shinzo Abe laid down during his time in office
Driven by geopolitics and economics, both Gulf states are courting a close relationship with Modi’s India.
The author argues that to revitalise and strengthen their relationship Germany must meet India eye-to-eye at a time when democracy is threatened globally by authoritarian diplomacy.
The Siachen Glacier is strategically positioned between India and Pakistan, in a disputed and un-demarcated region of Kashmir. Nitin Gokhale, journalist and author of 'Beyond NJ 9842: The Siachen Saga' argues why India cannot give up Siachen. He says Indian troops will continue to be deployed in the region despite the difficult weather conditions.
The ‘Cope India’ military exercise holds broader significance for the bilateral relationship.
The nature of bilateral political relations in the Indian Ocean region has an impact on the quality of subregional engagements.
