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ট্রাম্প ২.০ শক্তিশালী মার্কিন-জাপান অংশীদারিত্ব বজায় র�
Trump 2.0 will maintain the strong US-Japan partnership, with the US likely to push for increased militarisation and active deterrence in the Indo-Pac
The recent Quad Foreign Ministers' meeting dispels doubts about the Quad's future and highlights India's role in Indo-Pacific maritime security and go
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The current chip promotion campaign may be the nation's "last chance" to establish a significant foothold in the global chip market
The recent trilateral summit between Japan, the Philippines and the US reflects the shared interests to improve collective response and self-defence i
Japan’s commitment to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific and its assessment of the changing global strategic environment have driven Tokyo to a new path-b
As a trusted bellwether in the international arena, Japan must vigorously promote the FOIP and FOIO to forge a consensus with a large circle of states
The adoption of astroturf in sporting facilities poses a health hazard to humans and aggravates climate issues, thus, urban planning must focus on gre
The ongoing Hamas-Israel conflict demands a delicate balance from Tokyo, as it navigates its relationships in the Middle East alongside its internatio
तीनों देशों के पास अद्वितीय ताकतें हैं जिनका वे त्रिपक्ष
Despite plans for a Tokyo liaison office being on hold for now, NATO cooperation with the Indo-Pacific4 is likely to deepen
All three countries have unique strengths which they can leverage by working trilaterally and together they can play a major role in shaping the futur
Amidst Pyongyang’s spy satellite and Beijing’s hegemonic aspirations, the convergence of Seoul and Tokyo’s perspectives is changing the dynamics
The geopolitical realities are proving to be a strong catalyst for improved relations between Japan and South Korea
Mumbai can learn from Tokyo's tech interventions to ease road traffic
Tokyo has acknowledged that a Chinese invasion of Taiwan would be “an emergency situation” for Japan and has stepped up engagement accordingly.
As the leader who gave an impetus to forge closer ties between Japan and New Delhi, Shinzo Abe’s death comes as a blow for India.
ইন্দো-প্যাসিফিক অঞ্চলে ক্রমবর্ধমান আগ্রহ, যা সাম্প্রতি�
हाल में संपन्न क्वॉड शिखर सम्मेलन और IPEF के आग़ाज़ से हिंद-�
हाल में संपन्न क्वॉड शिखर सम्मेलन और IPEF के आग़ाज़ से हिंद-�
The growing focus on the Indo-Pacific as reflected by the recent Quad summit and the launch of IPEF indicates that despite the ongoing war in Europe,
With the new Japan–US understanding on Taiwan, Tokyo–Taipei ties have reached a new high in the area of security.
Tokyo believes that the growing British interest in the Indo-Pacific will be a valuable factor in the realisation of the FOIP vision.
At the bilateral level, both leaders have discussed a wide array of issues, including defence cooperation, connectivity programmes and Japan’s deepe
The trilateral meeting will take place on 9 May 2018. It assumes considerable significance for several reasons.
In the past, Tokyo has acted as a harbinger of change in Japan's national politics. Could outcome of Tokyo election influence course of national polit
Modi and Abe will be holding their third summit and second one to be held in Tokyo in a bid to renew their special strategic and global partnership
After 2011 Fukushima disaster, popular sentiment against nuclear energy has made it impossible for the government to revive the operations of the reac
India, which hosts Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe as chief guest at the Republic Day celebrations later this month, must come to terms, like the rest of the region, with Tokyo's determination to shape the Asian security order. After he returned to power a year ago, Abe has set about transforming Japan's military strategy.
Bhutan has announced its support for Japan's bid for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. This was announced by Bhutan's Prime Minister, Tshering Tobgay, who completed his official visit to Japan on July 2.
New Delhi must take full advantage of the geopolitical opportunity that the Japanese connection offers us. As democracies, both India and Japan are open societies and committed to a liberal world order. Through visits and agreements, the two sides have now laid the infrastructure for their strategic partnership.
A civil nuclear agreement is one of the key outcomes New Delhi is pushing for in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Japan that starts on August 30. Recently, in Naypidaw, Myanmar, foreign minister Sushma Swaraj called on her Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida to "bring talks on civil nuclear agreement to their logical conclusion".
After the recently held Tokyo Conference on Afghanistan, it is expected that Japan will take its own initiatives to make follow-up measures under the two mechanisms formulated at the Tokyo Conference -- the Tokyo Declaration and the Tokyo Framework.
Since being initiated by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe formally in 2016, Tokyo’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision has become the preferred framework for diplomatic engagement among like-minded countries in the Indo-Pacific. This paper undertakes an assessment of FOIP. The motivation is threefold: first, it creates an understanding of Tokyo’s vision of maintaining a stable global order; second, because FOIP has become inclusive—it
Don't provoke China has been the mantra behind New Delhi's recent "go slow" strategy with Japan. At the very moment when many Asian countries are frightened by the prospect of China's non-peaceful rise and are looking to Indian leadership in constructing a stable Asian balance of power, Delhi seems trapped in strategic hesitation.
Ahead of the PM’s visit to Japan, hopes are high for a greater synergy on security and connectivity issues.
Going by Japan's response to the Ukraine crisis, it appears that Tokyo attaches more importance to its alliance with the US than to the prospects of a robust Russo-Japanese partnership. And, with President Obama scheduled to make a visit to Japan in April, Abe is keen to maintain full solidarity with the US.
For Tokyo, the G-7 Summit was driven by the need to define and devise the means of navigating the complex geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific
Curiosity drew me to the Yasukuni shrine during a recent trip to Tokyo. When I lived in Beijing in the Nineties, I had been struck by the close attention paid by the Chinese authorities to every visit by a Japanese minister to this Shinto place of worship.
Traditionally, a newly elected South Korean President visits Washington first, followed by Tokyo. But the new President Park Geun-hye, as expected, did visit Washington first in May, but followed it up by a visit to Beijing and not to Tokyo. This is interpreted this to speculate that China has taken precedence over Japan in Seoul's diplomatic calculations.
The contest between China and Japan over tiny islands, Senkaku in Tokyo and Diaoyu in Beijing, has brought the militaries of the two nations face to face on a routine basis. Japan and South Korea and Japan and Russia are also squabbling over small islets in the Sea of Japan.
