Search

India needs to change its policy with Pakistan, and breaking the so-called stalemate is not the answer.

It could even consider participating in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, subject to Islamabad fulfilling a few conditions.

India should put its Eurasian ambitions on hold for a while and focus on its immediate neighbourhood.

Considering India's vast energy needs and demand for natural gas, India should push to frame the Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline as a trilateral project once more. The thaw in the Iran-US relations could possibly encourage India to increase its engagement with Iran. Also, India has shown signs in recent months of being open, once again, to engaging with Pakistan.

India should know that the OBOR scheme is not about CPEC and Pakistan; but in fact its primary goal is to integrate the rich European economy with that of China’s.

The just-concluded round of India-Pakistan dialogue (July 27) was an opportunity for both the countries to articulate their positions on two critical challenges facing the region, terrorism and Afghanistan.

As in the Shimla Summit between Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, nothing came out of the Delhi meeting between Dr. Manmohan singh and Zardari on April 8. However, it is now clear that focus has shifted to official discussions in the coming months and the eventual visit of Dr Manmohan Singh to Pakistan.

During the India-US Strategic Dialogue 2013, it was felt that it is essential for both the countries' interest, and that of the world at large, that there is stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And this stability can be ensured only through dismantling of terrorist outfits and strengthening of democratic institutions.

For a country that has faced repeated betrayals from Pakistan, it is another historical blunder for our government to again place faith in it.

New Delhi requires partners both outside and inside Afghanistan to protect its presence and interests in the war-torn country.

The deep-seated contradictions among member states on regional security and terrorism, combined with growing Chinese influence, have compelled New Delhi to perform a strategic balancing act.

For Pakistan’s military-intelligence apparatus — targeting India is the best way to ensure their centrality.

The Integrated Defence Staff released the first-ever public joint doctrine for the Indian armed forces (JDIAF-2017) in April 2017. Absent a publicly articulated national security strategy, the joint doctrine presents important clues about what that strategy might be. This paper examines JDIAF-2017 in conjunction with other Indian military doctrines, public writings of leading Indian strategists, as well as foreign military doctrines and strategie

On Pakistan, India should be more willing to use conventional military options and call out Pakistan’s nuclear bluff

Without timely replenishment, India could end up with a submarine fleet similar to that of Pakistan.

Nine months after the surgical strikes, what is the verdict on the efficacy to deter Pakistan from its sub-conventional warfare?

अमेरिका ने पाकिस्तान को एफ-16 युद्धक विमान को अपग्रेड करने का फैसला भारत के खिलाफ है. ऐसे में यह सवाल भी उठता है कि बाइडेन प्रशासन का भारत के प्रति क्‍या नजरिया है. क्‍या बाइडे

The process of rapprochement between India and Pakistan began during the SAARC summit at Islamabad in January 2004. The two estranged neighbors set aside the bitterness of the recent past and decided to work together for peace and stability. That such a beginning could be made is itself a major achievement.

Analyses and discussions in matters relating to Indo-Pakistan economic relations continue to be marked by considerable wishful-thinking, superficial analysis and illusions. This article, in the form of questions and answers, tries to project the problem in its proper perspective.

As part of the Indo-Pak Composite Dialogue process, the two countries will hold official-level talks in nuclear confidence building measures (CBMs) on June 19-20, 2004. This is a welcome development since the last round of such discussions was held at the ill-fated Lahore summit in February 1999, even though the CBMs agreed upon were rather general in nature and, at least in spirit, the Pakistan army was not a willing party to them.

The pressures to change in Pakistan are real. It is not inconceivable that over a period of time, Islamabad will recognise that there are alternatives for Pakistan to exercise regional influence.

As a precursor to the wider project of energy cooperation between Central Asia and South Asia, India and Pakistan must take baby steps towards energy trading as part of their ongoing trade liberalisation. Petro-products delivered by Indian refineries in the north and west to Punjab and Sindh regions would save Pakistan at least $14 per barrel of oil.

A desire to find a solution to the conflict that plagues both India and Pakistan was the common thread that run through the discussion at ORF on the bilateral relations and the way forward between Indian experts and retired military officials from Pakistan.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's vision of making borders with Pakistan irrelevant seems to have made a measured beginning on the ground.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's initiatives at Sharm-el-Sheikh (Egypt), Thimpu and Chandigarh to improve relations with Pakistan, viewed with much skepticism at the time, were far-sighted. It is time now for even bolder steps.

Despite unhappiness and disappointments in India over the repeated US failure since 1981 to call Pakistan to account for its sponsorship of terrorism against India in an attempt to achieve its strategic objectives, a consensus has developed since the terrorist strikes of 9/11 that the Indo-US Co-operation in Counter-Terrorism as developed since 1981 should be kept sustained and further developed.

India must honour its treaty commitments over a resource that everyday lives depend on.

Given the dependence of Indus River on glacial melt, extensive joint studies on the complex and unique Himalayan systems must be conducted and data must be shared openly, suggested an international conference in Kathmandu organised by ORF, Stimson Center, USA, and Sustainable Development Policy Institute, Pakistan.

There has been an intensified hunt for Osama bin Laden and other surviving leaders of Al Qaeda on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border.

No Indian terrorist group is co-operating with the international jihadi terrorist movement headed by Al Qaeda.However, certain Pakistani jihadi terrorist organisations, which are members of bin Laden's International Islamic Front (IIF), are being used by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) for organising terrorist attacks in Jammu & Kashmir (J) and other parts of India.

The world is back to 9/10. The jihadi training centres have started functioning full time once again in different parts of Pakistan. The jihadi terrorist training infrastructure in Afghanistan, which the US had destroyed through its air strikes during the course of its "Operation Enduring Freedom", has been fully restored ----this time in Pakistani territory.

Facing a double whammy — the strategic window closing, and ground situation in Kashmir improving — Pakistan will do whatever it can to create disturbances in J&K to bring the issue back in focus.

I read with great interest your article titled "THE COMING WARS: What the Pentagon can now do in secret" carried by the "New Yorker" in its issue dated January 24, 2005, which is already on sale. The article is about US preparations for a possible covert operation against Iran's suspected military nuclear installations set up with Pakistani complicity.

There is no doubt that Iranian security policy is now bent on laying out on the table and publicising its entire gamut of strategic and tactical playing cards for all to see

The Mumbai blasts were an act of war against the Indian state; it would be naïve to term it as anything else. It was an act of terror to kill as many Indians as possible. It was an act enabled, to a large measure, by a growing perception among the terrorist groups, especially those operating from Pakistan, that the Indian state was soft and indolent.

Polarisation over Kashmir and Jadhav, and the rise of rhetoric in India and Pakistan, only serves to feed into the narrative of aggressive nationalism that’s taken centre stage in India’s political discourse.

The killing of Al Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan, was a crippling blow to the global terrorist group and its violent agenda. The manner in which US special forces took him out in his protected lair will seriously undermine the morale of terrorist groups and their sympathisers across the world.

The problem for the US in assuring an orderly withdrawal and to decide on how much force to leave behind is the utter lack of trust between Afghanistan, Pakistan and itself. It is difficult to accurately anticipate how the situation will evolve in 2015 after the Americans go home, but whatever it is, it will not be a simple uncomplicated situation and may not be all that warm and friendly for Pakistan.

Pakistan, with its innumerable terrorist organisations, some of them now working on their own, would provide enough fertile ground for organisations like ISIS to thrive within and spread outwards from here. It must be remembered that Al Qaeda leadership is still based in the FATA of Pakistan from where it continues to give directions.

Now that Pakistan has admitted that its scientists were involved in the transfer of nuclear technology,1 three major issues/questions need to be studied and analyzed. Is the problem over for General Musharraf or is it a new beginning of another round of problems? How will the Opposition react? What would be the US response?

While people in Pakistan have grave doubts whether the sectarian violence will end by engaging in symbolic visits like the one undertaken President Asif Ali Zardari, what is really clear is that the country is involved in a difficult battle to save its soul. This has become a major existential challenge.

Pakistan’s paying the price of involving both judiciary and military in politics. India must take heed.

We need to do a few things to bring normalcy in Kashmir that go beyond tourism statistics. We need to keep Pakistan out of the equation. We need to genuinely empower the elected government and allow the State to be governed from Srinagar and not from Delhi.

In an article of November 22, 2004, on India-Pakistan relations (http://www.saag.org/papers12/paper1169.html), I had written as follows:

Pakistan has been using Jihad as a grand strategy for various reasons but primarily to influence events in its immediate neighbourhood, according to Dr Paul Kapur of the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School.

Is there a link between the jihad in London and Southern Thailand? Yes, there is. Some of the terrorists involved in the London blasts as well as in the recent upsurge of terrorism in Southern Thailand were trained in the madrasas of Pakistan.

Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the Pakistan-Afghanistan region, India, Israel, South-East Asia, Russia and the USA would be the main theatres of jihadi terrorism of a strategic nature during the year 2005.There could be sporadic incidents of jihadi terrorism in other parts of the world¿¿such as West Europe and the Central Asian Republics¿¿but they would be more of a tactical than of a strategic nature.

While there is no information about the linkage between the ISIS and the established Jihadi terror groups of Pakistan like LeT and the JuD, it is bound to happen sooner or later. India should be prepared to face this new onslaught.