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India should not fall for hyped up fears of nuclear escalation; Pakistan is a rational actor that understands the limitations of nuclear weapons
New Delhi and Islamabad dominated dialogue have failed to come up with any solution to vexed issues like Kashmir. May be sub-regions like Punjab and other border provinces like Rajasthan-Sind.
As the total number of fatalities in the earthquake, which struck the Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and the North-west Frontier Province (NWFP) on October 8, 2005, crosses the 50,000 mark and is inexorably moving higher and higher as more and more dead bodies are recovered under the debris and more and more injured survivors are succumbing to death due to lack of medical facilities and protection against the severe cold which has already set in
The Government and the people of Pakistan have been coping, as best as they can, with the help of a flood of international assistance, with the colossal tragedy which struck them on October 8, 2005, in the form of a massive earthquake which has devastated practically the whole of Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and large parts of the district of Manshera and other areas in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP).
Pakistan has not given up the use of terrorist groups like Jamaat-ud Dawa (JuD) to achieve its foreign policy objectives in India and Afghanistan, a policy which threatens to make Asia, and the world, more unsafe in the years to come. JuD, parent body of Lashkar-e-Tayyeba (LeT), is a highly organised, trans-national terrorist group based in Pakistan which has links not only with Pakistan Army and its intelligence agency,
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said that any future act of terror from Pakistan will find an apt response from India. This signalling has laid out the new template reflecting a resolve to impose both material as well as psychological costs on terror groups and their sponsor-state, Pakistan
This year marks a decade since the announcement of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). This brief analyses Chinese-language literature to understand the country’s current stance on Pakistan and the CPEC. Two trends emerge. First, China appears to be facing a dilemma over Pakistan. While the Chinese government wants the CPEC to be successful, China’s strategic community now shows little optimism on the initiative. Second, contrary to
The July 15 talks in Islamabad between the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan ended badly for many reasons. India has been putting itself at a disadvantage diplomatically by showing too much eagerness to restart the dialogue with Pakistan.
Given the challenges that China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is facing, India will need to do much more to provide an effective counter-narrative
If only some way could be found to target the BATs specifically, then some kind of a deterrent pressure could be built. As of now, the poor jawans who get killed are merely collateral damage.
Countries in the Subcontinent must realise that the benefits that Pakistan could bring to the region are rapidly declining
Pakistan is now more focussed on its internal issues and this gives India more space to reach a compromise with its neighbour. Pakistan is also no longer in the same competitive position as it was in the 1990, says Dr. Moeed Yusuf, Head of the South Asia Studies Programme at the United States Institute of Peace.
Since August 2021 when the US withdrew from Afghanistan, ceasefire violations at the India-Pakistan Line of Control (LoC) and killings of minorities in J&K have been reported. Indeed, the fall of Kabul to the Taliban has bolstered the anti-India establishment and the terrorist groups in Pakistan—putting the February 2021 ceasefire agreement between India and Pakistan under stress. India's conventional military response of the type of the 'S
Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari's official visit (May 11) to Russia is interesting especially as it occurred within a fortnight of the US raid in Abbottabad, killing Osama bin Laden.
Amidst the growing distrust of the US and the absence of domestic capabilities to confront a rising Iran, the Saudis are determined to strengthen their regional alliances, especially the historic partnership with Pakistan.
We have decided to resume the so-called composite dialogue with Pakistan, without admitting as much. Why not be frank about the change in our position? Why resort to word play to obfuscate?
For all the right statements and claims of the unbreakable, iron-clad relationship between Beijing and Islamabad, there was very little substance to Sharif’s trip.
China has considerably increased its investments in Pakistan. Given Pakistan's fragile IMF dependent economy, the idea of an economic rationale behind the substantial Chinese investments seems far-fetched.
The national identity of Pakistan is rooted in the ‘two-nation theory’—the very basis of the creation of the country—which says that the Hindus and Muslims of the subcontinent were two different nations and therefore, the Muslims were entitled to a separate homeland where Islam would be practiced as state religion. Does Pakistan’s quest for identity, however, mean neglecting the non-Islamic culture present in the country? This brief cal
The shift of the non-PPP Sindhi leadership to other non-Sindhi parties, and their subsequent victories there, though limited, is shows that much of Sindhi society is looking to the rest of the country to bring about change in the Province. Better connecting Sindh to the Pakistani mainstream is now seen by many as a solution to their internal grievances.
The first cabinet reshuffle is intimation of the govt's impending demise. The army has taken back control of vital portfolios. They will find a new puppet PM. Till then, Imran Khan's options are severely limited.
Several high-priority issues will need the new government¿s immediate attention as it assumes office. The Kashmir issue and its impact on the ongoing Indo-Pak entente should be one of them.
The Kargil war of 1999 and Thursday morning's surgical strikes have now decisively proved that the LoC is not a focal point for India and Pakistan.
The Nawaz Sharif government's offer of the olive branch to TTP seems more like an act of desperation than a serious attempt to bring about stability in the country. As the previous deals with militants have shown, the outcomes have favoured militants more than the governments.
In one of the most recent analytical pieces on this website it was very wisely quoted ¿Don't hear, listen. Listen to what is not being said¿ (sic) as regards the Indo ¿ Pakistan peace talks and their decision to hold a composite dialogue. Thus ironically while most peaceniks, in Pakistan and India are hailing this recent thaw in relations it remains advisable to be cautiously optimistic for the time being.
The emergence of the Tehrik-E-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) as the largest religious political party in the country has introduced a new, aggressive element in Pakistan’s polity. Although the TLP does not have an armed militant wing, it has demonstrated both its street power and the strength of its electoral base only six years since it was set up in 2015. Exploiting deeply emotional issues like the finality of Prophethood and Blasphemy against the Pr
Increasing radicalisation and internal strife in Pakistan will destabilise the country and the region, said noted terrorism expert Major General Afsir Karim at a discussion in Observer Research Foundation on Jan. 23 in New Delhi.
Pakistan is an important player as far as determining the outcome of a post-2014 Afghanistan is concerned and should be engaged with. But to expect it to play a productive role or to expect Afghanistan and Pakistan to reconcile their differences and jointly work towards stability is a tall order.
Along Pakistan’s western frontier, the Pashtuns in the north and the Baloch in the south have historically been crucial elements of the country’s ethnic tapestry. Their place in Pakistani society today is the result of their geography, British colonial legacy, and their relationship with the state. For many years now, the Pashtuns have borne the brunt of the Afghan jihad and military campaigns against their tribes while the Baloch hav
With roadblocks growing on global and domestic fronts, the China-Pakistan economic relationship needs reassessment
The already deep Sino-Pakistani military and strategic relationship is set to deepen further for myriad reasons.
Fifteen years ago, the USA had promised to sell F-16s to Pakistan. Lockheed Martin Aeronautics, the company manufacturing the aircraft, took the necessary advance for it. Then there were sudden changes in the global and regional strategic environment. The Jehadi war in Afghanistan got over and Pakistan started diverting Jehadism into Jammu and Kashmir. The Cold war also was over.
Taking a lesson from the past, India should resist re-engaging with Pakistan.
The recent bailout underscores how the international system continues to accommodate a geopolitically pivotal yet structurally fragile state
There has been considerable spin from Islamabad as well as New Delhi regarding the results of the visit of the Chinese Prime Minister, Mr.Wen Jiabao, to the two countries. The fact that the Chinese have carefully refrained from joining this race for spin and
In the 1971 war against Pakistan, had Indian forces managed to push beyond Turtok and capture Thang, the subsequent Pakistani adventure in Kargil in 1999 or the threat to Siachen would have been infructuous.
The India-Pakistan peace process, punctuated with -uctuating waves of optimism and anxiety, has completed three years, and it is appropriate, and timely, to review whether the primary On April 22, 2003 the Indian Prime Minister, Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee, told the Indian Parliament that India was unilaterally opening “the doors for talks” with Pakistan. The offer was based on two simple premises: one, that Pakistan would stop cross-border in
The spate of calls from within India’s political establishment, led primarily by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, for integrating Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK) raises the issue of the basis for India’s claim. This report highlights that the 1993 judgment of the Azad Jammu and Kashmir High Court, states that Gilgit Baltistan, formerly known as Northern Areas, is part of the Jammu and Kashmir State. Even the Supreme Court of Pakista
Pakistan’s new government rests on a stolen mandate engineered by the military
