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A closer look at some of the security-related agenda items for the upcoming development and how they could impact bilateral ties.
There is no reason to believe that we will witness some change in Pakistan’s foreign policy.
How will India manage a Pakistan led by Imran Khan?
A hard look at our politics and society suggests it may be a good idea to go by seniority alone till we become more complete ‘Indians’
Most of the world failed to notice that the BLA conducted several attacks during the India-Pakistan tensions of May 2025. China, however, was paying close attention.
With the elections underway in India, eyes are now on the outcome of the polls, likely to be known by May 16. Wider belief is that the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) may win the keenly fought elections.
The First R K Mishra Memorial Lecture was delivered by Major General Mahmud Ali Durrani. He was Pakistan's National Security Adviser till January 2009. A former Ambassador to the United States, General Durrani has been closely associated with Mr RK Mishra, and Observer Research Foundation, in promoting peace and dialogue between India and Pakistan
As long as both sides focus on reassuring their domestic constituencies rather than contradicting each other’s version of events, the chances of conflict are paradoxically lower. The problem is that in this crisis like any other, facts inevitably intrude.
Al-Qaida has put Pakistan at the top of its priorities. Its leaders judge Pakistan as the most vulnerable country for them to hijack, while independent estimates by security and intelligence officials suggest that Pakistan has the capability to add 8-10 China-model low-yield nuclear weapons in its kitty every year.
India’s choices over the past few decades haven’t moved beyond issuing demarches, summoning ambassadors and relying on the benevolence of others.
After the initial fire and fury at the LoC, there is now a belief that the situation is relatively under control. This assumption may be misleading, unless the dynamics of the LoC and its violations are fully comprehended.
If Delhi talks to anyone, it must be to Kashmir's elected representatives and other stakeholders, not waste time on the perfidious and pointless Hurriyat, which has only harmed India's interests.
India has to deal with Pakistani jihadis as it would deal with any other terrorists and send them to the court of law to whatever dispensation the court might decide. The lesson for India is that it has to live with troubles from Pakistan and deal with them as the situation arises.
A mix of marginalisation, mobilisation and militarisation has helped Delhi take away a key facet of Pakistan’s outreach, allowing India to be more ambitious on the regional and global stage
India's obsession with Pakistan is making it overlook its relationship with other neighbours, observed Bangladesh scholar Rounaq Jahan during a discussion on Bangladesh at Observer Research Foundation.
Recent developments along India-Pakistan border have grabbed attention of the world and caused a steady build up of fear with question marks for future
India and Pakistan need to begin a dialogue on economic and military relations. It will be a challenge for both countries to balance the provision of security for its populations with the need to create the enabling environment for economic and social development and growth.
The Modi government came to power in New Delhi pledging a muscular approach to relations with Islamabad. But now, the government has realised that while it can control the narrative at home, it cannot do so abroad. Most countries saw New Delhi's actions as somewhat over the top.
While 1947 may have liberated India and Pakistan from the colonial yolk, the two countries have become slaves to the historical baggage they carry. It's therefore important for both sides to unburden themselves in whatever ways possible.
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For New Delhi, the path forward lies not in indulging theatrical appeals to ‘Asian brotherhood’, but in resolutely preparing to confront Chinese fire with the tempered steel of Indian resolve.
The decision about whether to escalate or not is much more complex than it appears.
Even before coming to office in 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had implied that his government would address Pakistan-sponsored terrorism differently.
The Kartarpur corridor, inaugurated in November 2019, is regarded as an important peacemaking measure between India and Pakistan. Various international organisations have welcomed the corridor, including the United Nations. Drawing from history, this brief argues that opening a pilgrimage corridor or renovating a place of worship, and other such attempts to bridge India and Pakistan using religious sentiment inevitably fail to address the deep-ro
The Paper makes a critical appraisal of India-Pakistan relations and explores their future trajectory in the aftermath of the Mumbai terrorist attack of November 2008. The rising tide of terrorism within Pakistan after 9/11 and the importance of South Asia to the United States made Pakistan selectively withdraw support to terrorist groups. This, in turn, helped India's efforts to initiate the Composite Dialogue in 2004.
It is important for both countries to think outside the box and create constituencies of peace outside New Delhi and Islamabad, especially in the two Punjabs. While Punjabi tarka can not be the core of India-Pakistan relations, it must not be overlooked either.
India has raised objections to the possibility of China and Pakistan involving third countries in the CPEC.
If Modi is re-elected, then Pakistan will have a lot to worry about.
Though infiltration from Pakistan is of great concern, those from Bangladesh in the form of illegal migrants pose a more serious threat to the nation, according to Lt-Gen (Retd) Anand Verma, former Director-General of Military Operations.
That there is massive change in the mindset of Pakistanis towards India is an impression that this writer got during a visit to Pakistan last August. This impression has got further strengthened during a recently concluded visit. The desire for peace with India is no longer limited to the usual suspects; rather it is to be found even in the quintessential establishment types who have traditionally thrived on India-baiting.
For an Indian journalist, meeting the jihadis in Pakistan always makes for a great story back home. But despite the omnipresence of the jihad factory in Pakistan, it has never been easy to get hold of important jihadi leaders. Post-9/11, and especially after the ban imposed on some jihadi organisations, setting up meetings with jihadis has become even more difficult. With Pakistan's famed ¿agencies¿ quite chary of the jihadis talking to journal
That there is massive change in the mindset of Pakistanis towards India is an impression that this writer got during a visit to Pakistan last August. This impression has got further strengthened during a recently concluded visit. The desire for peace with India is no longer limited to the usual suspects; rather it is to be found even in the quintessential establishment types who have traditionally thrived on India-baiting.
Amanullah Khan, chairman of the JKLF, is most unhappy with the peace process between India and Pakistan. For a man who knows what it means to be first used by a state and then unceremoniously disposed off after the state has achieved its purpose, Khan realizes that the peace process, if successful, is probably the end of the road for people like him. There was a time in the late 1980's and very early 1990's when Amanullah Khan was a really happen
'The year old Indo-Pak rapprochement has now reached a stalemate and is in danger of being hijacked by deeply entrenched bureaucracies and hardliners on both the sides', said Lt Gen Talat Masood (Retd), who was Secretary of Defence Production, Ministry of Defense, Pakistan in early 1990s.
Does India have any intention of assisting the US in invading and occupying Pakistan? And should India be part of such an adventure? What are the likely implications on India's security of such an action? These are questions that would normally fall in the realm of scenario building and war gaming.
Amid growing Saudi concerns about the shifting Middle East balance of power in favour of Iran, Pakistan is walking the tight rope between Riyadh, a close ally, and Tehran, an important neighbour.
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is currently investigating Iran's nuclear program, especially the possibility that Pakistan helped it with substantial transfers of technology and materials in the past. There has been no conclusive evidence so far, except for a piece of evidence that Pakistan
Manmohan Singh is sometimes accused of focusing too much on Pakistan. Perhaps he could try paying a visit. Also consider visiting towns outside Islamabad and Lahore, such as his own ancestral village, which is waiting with open arms to welcome its prodigal son.
The key problem with offering NSG membership to Pakistan is its obstructionist approach. Pakistan will try to block any decision which it might think will be advantageous to India. Since the NSG functions on the principle of consensus, Pakistan's pursuit of parity with India will lead to a stalemate within the NSG.
People have thought in the past that a three-party system can achieve maximum stability in Pakistan. Observers will be keen to look at how the Pakistani military will be factored into the new dynamic.
Imran has announced that the onus is on India now to take further steps and create an enabling environment for peace.
