621 results found
It is important for both countries to think outside the box and create constituencies of peace outside New Delhi and Islamabad, especially in the two Punjabs. While Punjabi tarka can not be the core of India-Pakistan relations, it must not be overlooked either.
The India-Russia military technical relationship has withstood the test of time. Despite strains since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the relationship has remained highly critical both in terms of the level of trust between the two states and the imperatives of sustaining a military-technical relationship to counter the growth of Chinese power. A more synergistic military-technical is possible, and Moscow and New Delhi must explore ways to con
Despite multiple crises in Europe and the Middle East, the 2+2 strategic dialogue demonstrated that Washington has not entirely lost sight of what needs to be done in the Indo-Pacific.
This brief explores the factors informing the Donald Trump administration’s continuity on the US’s defence trade with India. The administration’s impetus to maintain US-India defence trade stems from factors like the ‘reverse revolving door’ policy that has increased the influence of US defence contractors, its ‘Buy American’ policy to boost US arms exports, and defence trade being construed as an incremental means to correct the bi
The dynamics of the India-US relationship under the Trump administration bear significantly on the two countries’ security partnership. This relationship, however, is being challenged by President Donald Trump’s increasingly apparent transactional worldview. As witnessed in the case of the United States’ relations with its allies and partners across Europe and Asia, Trump has often linked US defence commitments and partner nations’ securi
On December 10-11, 2003, the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) and the RAND Corporation held a ¿strategic dialogue¿ in New Delhi. The meeting brought together scholars, diplomats, and functionaries from the governments of India and the United States to discuss policy issues important to both countries. This report , which summarizes the discussions, should be of interest to high-level policy makers in the Indian and US governments, as well as
Given that the China threat looms large for both Vietnam and India, the bilateral relationship between New Delhi and Hanoi is likely to gain even greater traction.
Social activist Arvind Kejriwal announced on October 2 in New Delhi with lots of fanfare that a new political party has come into existence whose name would be decided later, but it has started functioning.
In next four months, there is going to be a new government in New Delhi. The upcoming general elections are likely to be one of the most bitter and hard-fought battles in country's over six decades of Independence.
Are national parties on decline? Can a non-Congress, non-BJP coalition come to power in New Delhi after the next General Elections due in 2014? Or even before, if a political crisis or coalition-accident leads to mid-term elections?
New Delhi’s relations with Moscow continue to be good, but the long-term prognosis is complicated, especially by China.
There is a lot riding on the relationship for both New Delhi and Canberra given that both have a inherent interest in balancing China and ensuring a stable Indo-Pacific strategic order.
New Delhi requires partners both outside and inside Afghanistan to protect its presence and interests in the war-torn country.
The deep-seated contradictions among member states on regional security and terrorism, combined with growing Chinese influence, have compelled New Delhi to perform a strategic balancing act.
Despite being knocked off its feet by the collapse of the Ghani government of Afghanistan in mid-August 2021, New Delhi has quickly re-established its presence in the new Taliban-led Afghanistan.
Afghanistan’s situation has thrown up challenges for New Delhi
New Delhi is trying to deepen ties to confront common threats but in-group differences pose hurdles
As 2017 draws to a close, India can look at the year gone by with some satisfaction even as there might be some trepidation about the coming year.
New Delhi has the chance to shape the global agenda and advocate for its vision of multilateralism.
The Iran sanction waiver issue is just the latest manifestation of New Delhi’s rising challenge in managing ties with Tehran.
The Trump administration’s sanctions hardball puts New Delhi in a tight spot.
Global trends are evolving rapidly and major powers are re-defining their ties with each other to match their contemporary requirements. In light of these trends, New Delhi will also have to be diplomatically nimble as it seeks to engage major powers more substantively.
Speculations are rife about India possibly inviting Australia for the next Malabar naval exercise—which COVID-19 has caused to be moved to 2021.[1] If true, this would represent a break from the past and signal a change in the Asian strategic environment. Over the past few years, India has consistently resisted including Australia in the exercise, despite the latter’s willingness. The only other time that Australia was included in the Malabar
While a recent test is no doubt historic, New Delhi has much work left to do to address the challenges that remain.
Global energy markets have battled continuous uncertainty over the past three years, disrupted first by the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021, and by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. India has been adept at navigating both these disruptions, using economic diplomacy to position itself favourably in the geopolitics of oil. New Delhi’s delicate balancing of its political relationship with both Washington DC and Moscow has been accompanied
In recognition of ASEAN’s limitations, New Delhi must also continue to strengthen its ties with other institutions, frameworks, and countries as well.
The new numbers highlight New Delhi’s continued challenge of investing in its much-needed military modernization.
New Delhi’s strategic recalibration recognises the South China Sea’s critical importance to regional security and the global maritime order
With discussions underway for Canberra to join the Malabar naval exercises, New Delhi hopes to add a new backer in its fight against China
The pace of growth in the Australia-India strategic relationship is quite impressive, but New Delhi’s hesitance on hard security issues may hamper further developments.
New Delhi finds a prominent place in the strategy’s focus on Washington’s network of allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific.
New Delhi is increasingly positioning itself as a significant player in African peace, security and development. Examining the question of how India responds to state fragility in Africa, this brief finds that India’s engagement is mostly transactional: working around, rather than on, sources of political fragility. Development and security interventions tend to operate in silos, but might change if Indian commercial investments are threatened
While India rhetorically endorses the idea of the Indo-Pacific, three issues prevent actual operationalisation of the concept for New Delhi.
New Delhi is clearly making a push to expand its capabilities in the critical semiconductor industry.
The establishment of a new private institution has spotlighted New Delhi’s ongoing efforts to build out the commercial aspect of its space program.
The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in August 2021 changed the strategic dynamics in the region. For India, the new regime and its attendant risks—especially the threat of terrorism—quickly put it in an unenviable position. This brief assesses India’s policy towards Afghanistan since August 2021. It will cover how India has articulated its Afghan policy, domestically and in multilateral organisations, and its incremental
New Delhi approved a proposal to purchase six conventional submarines, but given past delays it’s not clear that India’s naval woes will dissipate anytime soon.
Realities in the Indo-Pacific region have changed, and it’s time for New Delhi to deepen its political ties with Taipei.
As New Delhi and Taipei draw closer together, the map of the Asia-Pacific could change for good.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of Japan visited New Delhi for talks with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and other Indian leaders in the last week of April,2005. In interviews given before the visit, he did not characterise the emerging relationship between India and Japan as a strategic partnership. However, he spoke of a convergence of strategic interests.
Observer Research Foundation in collaboration with RAND organized a two-day Indo-US Strategic Dialogue at ORF Campus, New Delhi, on December 10 and 11, 2003.
Under its International Terrorism Watch Project, the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) organised a one-day Workshop at New Delhi on October 20, 2004, on the theme: "Recent Intelligence Failures in the USA, the UK & Russia: Their Lessons for India".
We cannot overlook the fact that the country's courts continue to be the objects of terrorist attacks while looking at the 'disciplining' of a police constable in public view, for neglecting the checking duty at a New Delhi court.
Despite growing strategic convergence, New Delhi should also be mindful of some of the limitations in the relationship.
Talk of a “Tibet card” in India’s hands is not new, but is New Delhi likely to play it?
Promising a more inclusive and transparent development model, New Delhi is looking to become the region’s biggest partner.
Given the history of India-Israel ties, not much will change regardless of the government in power in New Delhi
The rise, if you want to call it that, of another Asian power on the flanks of China, one which also has difficulties with Beijing, is to India's advantage. New Delhi is not unaware of the geopolitical benefits.
India and Japan may soon reach an agreement on civil nuclear cooperation, even as Tokyo insists on New Delhi to sign the NPT, says Amb. Hirabayashi Hiroshi, former Japanese ambassador to India and the present President of Japan-India Association.
While New Delhi’s desire to cultivate closer defense ties with Tokyo is clear, its overall strategic approach is much less so.
