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Naval diplomacy has emerged as a pillar of India’s external engagements. While conventionally regarded as a military arm, the navy is increasingly assuming a greater role as a diplomatic actor. This brief underlines three trends in India’s naval diplomacy in the Indian Ocean, shaped by its broader political outlook in the region. First, there has been a normative shift in how India views the role of the navy. Second, India’s bilateral engag

For New Delhi, a nautical pact with France sends a strong message to India’s geopolitical antagonists in maritime Asia

The strategic location of these islands demands New Delhi’s full attention as it can open new vistas for India’s maritime strategy

A closer look at the emerging naval dynamics in Asia makes clear that the maritime 'quad' isn't still a wholly viable proposition

Indian decision makers recognise the need for cooperative tools to fight transnational crime in the littorals. Indian initiatives, however, are yet to bring about an alignment of objectives and strategies of regional littoral states.

For the biggest maritime parade held in China since 1949, the People's Liberation Army Navy deployed 48 warships, 76 aircraft and 10,000 sailors and marines.

India’s inability to develop interdependencies with neighbouring countries, both economically and strategically, has left a void that China has dutifully filled. There still remains a window for India to correct its past mistakes and develop a concerted strategy to regain influence in the region.

The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) appears to be gaining momentum in formulating collective strategies to combat non-traditional security threats in the subregion. This brief describes how BIMSTEC had focused on bilateralism or trilateralism from its inception in 1997 until 2015, thereby failing to pursue a more comprehensive and long-term approach to addressing the common threats to their

Recent grey-zone activity in maritime-Asia suggests an increase in hybrid warfare, even as the lines between military, economic, diplomatic, intelligence and criminal means of aggression become increasingly blurred. By replacing overt military aggression with soft provocations – kept well below the threshold of open warfare – aggressors attempt to leverage asymmetry, ambiguity and incrementalism for strategic effects. These tactics are highly

China’s naval push is leading India and the United States to do a lot more together, especially in the seas.

In 2019, India and Russia announced their intent to connect the ports in their respective cities, Chennai and Vladivostok. One year on, the project remains only on paper. This paper explores the economic and strategic viability of this proposed maritime connectivity corridor. While not purporting to be a feasibility study, this analysis seeks to examine the potential benefits and pitfalls of the proposed link and its place in the Indo-Russia stra

A four-day maritime conference on "Maritime Geo-Politics in the Indo-pacific" was organised in Chennai, Kochi and New Delhi recently. The conference saw speakers deliver perspectives from India, China, Japan, US, Australia and Indonesia.

This report makes an appraisal of the geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic dimensions of the linkages between India’s east coast and the ‘extended Bay’—Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia—with respect to port logistics, trade interactions, disaster management and strategic convergences. The aim of this study is three-fold: a) to examine the existing nature of port and commercial linkages between India and the aforesaid lit

Aiming to secure their marine resources in the Bay of Bengal, India and Bangladesh settled their maritime boundary in 2014. Despite the delimitation, however, fishers from both countries continue to commit unlawful forays into each other's sovereign waters, leading to the enforcement of punitive measures against those accused or convicted. Such incidents not only jeopardise the fishers’ livelihoods, but repeated occurrences also nettle relation

The neighbouring waters around China have been marked by competing maritime territorial claims for decades. In recent years, tensions have intensified as Beijing’s inroads have increased in pace and extent. Today China’s economic security is closely linked to the South China Sea. With Beijing repeatedly engaging in acts that are widely seen as violative of international maritime law, there is a growing need to underscore the significance and

China's new maritime law – in which foreign vessels will have to submit details to Chinese authorities when transiting through its 'territorial waters' – has now come into force.

India has the longest coastline in the Bay of Bengal, making it critical for the country to manage maritime security challenges in this space. However, given the transnational nature of most maritime threats, India must cooperate with other Bay littorals and the major powers to address these issues. The Bay of Bengal is a vital part of the Indo-Pacific geostrategic construct, and a secure Bay is fundamental to a stable Indo-Pacific. By addressing

This brief seeks to apply ancient Indian strategic thought in the study of the country’s contemporary maritime relations. It argues that India should shift its maritime strategy from a largely continental posture to one that focuses on the country’s maritime mandala. Using concepts from the ancient Indian political treatise, Arthashastra, this brief contends that a “return of history” via the Indo-Pacific, and re-emerging multipolarity, r

Even as India engages China in a dialogue, or becomes a way station in the sea silk route, New Delhi needs to take some lessons from China and anchor its maritime policies on a strong navy. As of now, we can more than hold our own in the Indian Ocean against all but the US Navy. But, tomorrow is another day.

The security architecture in maritime Asia along with the rise of China is compelling India to define its strategic interests and review its maritime policy. And it is only a matter of time before New Delhi acknowledged the changing dynamics within its area of maritime interests.

India has long used its navy to build ties with maritime nations in the Indo-Pacific, but this exercise steps up collaboration by tying up with ASEAN as a group.

The Western Indian Ocean connects North America, Europe and Asia, and as such is of global strategic importance. Its rich natural resource profile has pushed global players, including India, to view the region with increasing interest in recent years. Although for a long time, much of India’s political attention was directed towards its eastern neighbourhood, in recent years, the country has begun giving more attention to maritime security in i

The Western Indian Ocean Region (WIOR) is linked to India in several ways, yet it remains conspicuous in its absence from India’s foreign policy discourse. This lack of attention is now beginning to reverse as external players stake their geopolitical claims in the region. India has responded by reorienting its own nautical outlook towards WIOR and building friendly relationships with African countries that straddle the region. This bri

The Bay of Bengal region is more than a channel for commerce — it has become an arena for power projection.

The Bay of Bengal region is more than a channel for commerce — it has become an arena for power projection.

While New Delhi’s desire to cultivate closer defense ties with Tokyo is clear, its overall strategic approach is much less so.

In addition to India-Japan exercises, there have been several other naval exercises in the region in recent months involving a growing roster of countries.

India will need to tread lightly in its pursuit to be more assertive vis-ﾅ-vis the Chinese in the IOR. Low key, footprint initiatives, like surveillance stations and docking or berthing rights, may be the key in increasing the reach of its security net in the region, minus the political backlash of acting like a regional hegemon.

China’s maritime economic initiative, the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) that is part of the larger One Belt One Road (OBOR), has been under considerable international focus recently. India, for its part, has remained non-committal despite China’s charmed offensive. However, with the signing of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, both of which exclude the growing economies of I