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रशिया-युक्रेनमधील युद्ध 24 तासांत थांबवू शकतो, असा दावा ट्रम्प यांनी करूनही युद्ध थांबवण्यात त्यांच्यासमोरील आव्हाने वाढत चालली आहेत. कारण त्यांना तीन परस्परविरोधी दबाव

As India and Armenia advance their partnership, currently anchored in defence ties, the economic dimension requires greater attention from both sides. With Armenia seeking to diversify its diplomatic and economic partners, and India expanding its footprint in Eurasia, both countries stand to benefit from building greater economic ties through value-added economic partnerships. This brief outlines a blueprint for advancing cooperation across six k

Separatism, extremism, and terrorism originating in Afghanistan compelled the neighbouring countries to form the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2001. However, instead of presenting a united front, the SCO is rife with disagreements. Increased divergences and mistrust among the members have helped the Taliban regain power in Afghanistan and strengthen its influence in the heart of Eurasia. The Taliban have taken advantage of the trust

Russian President Vladimir Putin is scheduled to visit India in December 2025. The outcomes of the annual leaders’ summit will be largely determined by how India untangles the trade spat with the United States.

With tensions between an aggressive China and an emerging India intensifying, there will be significant changes and challenges in the Indian Ocean and South Asian regions

AI मॉडेल्स जरी अमेरिकन असली, तरी या अक्राळविक्राळ यंत्रणेला (Beast) पोसणारा 'डेटा' मात्र भारतातून समृद्ध केला जात आहे.

As geopolitical competition intensifies in Central Asia, India will have to prioritise transparent and reliable connectivity strategies.

The world of BRICS is expanding. Despite setbacks, this association of Brazil,Russia, India, China and South Africaall of them important, emerging-marketeconomiesremains relevant as it continues to comprise a big share of the world's population,its resources, and global trade. This paper describes the rise of BRICS and their growing mutualinterest in cementing their economic and political ties. It argues that while problems remain inpromoting coh

India’s power sector requires sustained efforts to achieve the power generating capacity target of approximately 1.2 terawatts by 2047. It needs such capacity to meet the demands of economic growth and achieve the Sustainable Development Goal 7 of providing universal electricity access. At the same time, the country also needs to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions to meet commitments to global climate action agreements. This paper revi

US’ expected policy shift favouring Moscow aligns with its renewed focus on the Indo-Pacific.

The United States has revoked a key sanctions exemption for Iran's Chabahar Port. This decision could hinder India's connectivity projects in Eurasia. The port is vital for India's trade with Central Asia and Afghanistan. It also serves as a counter to China's growing influence in the region. The move raises concerns about the future of regional cooperation and stability.

Even as China becomes a maritime power to reckon with, Beijing has no desire to give up on its continental aspirations. Chinese President Xi Jinping's continuing tour of Central Asia this past week showcased the nation's rise at the heart of the Eurasian landmass.

As an emerging power in the current multipolar global order, India can use the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) to protect, promote, and project its geostrategic and geoeconomic interests. The SCO is also a platform for India to reaffirm its commitment to revive and deepen its centuries-old civilisational, spiritual, and cultural ties with other member countries. This paper explores India's priorities at the SCO, chiefly connectivity, coun

In 2019, India and Russia announced their intent to connect the ports in their respective cities, Chennai and Vladivostok. One year on, the project remains only on paper. This paper explores the economic and strategic viability of this proposed maritime connectivity corridor. While not purporting to be a feasibility study, this analysis seeks to examine the potential benefits and pitfalls of the proposed link and its place in the Indo-Russia stra

The 70th anniversary of Russia-India relations is an opportune time to make a comprehensive assessment of the current state of their cooperation, keeping in mind the long history of friendship between the two countries. In the last few years, India and Russia have been struggling to retain the legacy of their long-term relationship while moving beyond the traditional spheres of cooperation to reach new heights. To expand their bilateral agenda,

With the stage set for the Geneva II conference on Syria, positions have been drawn, bargaining will be tough and the outcome could go either way.

There are growing tensions in New Delhi’s engagement within this arrangement and its other alignments.

India should put its Eurasian ambitions on hold for a while and focus on its immediate neighbourhood.

India should know that the OBOR scheme is not about CPEC and Pakistan; but in fact its primary goal is to integrate the rich European economy with that of China’s.

India’s relations with Russia have made little progress since they got stalled following the end of the Cold War. Today their bilateral ties—officially labelled “special and privileged strategic partnership”—focus heavily on defence cooperation, while the economic partnership remains listless even as the respective relations of the two with other states have grown rapidly. This paper analyses the ebbs and flows of India-Russia relations

The deep-seated contradictions among member states on regional security and terrorism, combined with growing Chinese influence, have compelled New Delhi to perform a strategic balancing act.

Delhi wants to remain an Eurasian power, swinging between East and West according to its priorities. Its military ties with Moscow. The economic importance of Beijing. America as a strategic counterweight – as long as it works.

This paper explains Russian co-option of India into the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) at a high level of participation in September 2019 and the range of agreements involved. It argues that the co-option was the result of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s dissatisfaction with the economic outcomes so far for the Russian Far East of “northeast Asian regional cooperation.” Moscow related this behaviour to skewed priorities of East Asia’s �

S Jaishankar visit to Moscow ऐसे में सवाल उठता है कि क्‍या वाकई भारतीय विदेश मंत्री की इस यात्रा में जंग खत्‍म करने की पहल हो सकती है. अमेरिका व पश्चिमी देश भारत से इस तरह की उम्‍मीद क्‍यों कर �

India, Iran and Russia have decided to begin using the part-ready International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a multimodal network of sea, rail and road routes between India, Iran, Central Asia and Russia. As the broader politics in the region undergo new configurations that may put to question the project’s prospects, and the evolving security situation demands continuous appraisal, it is time to refocus discussion on the economics o

नाटो ने भी पुतिन को ललकारा है. NATO का कहना है कि वह एक इंच जमीन भी रूस के पास नहीं रहने देगा. इसके लिए चाहे जिस स्‍तर पर जाना पड़ा. ऐसे में सवाल है कि क्‍या इस युद्ध का रास्‍ता परमा

Russia recently witnessed the re-election of its long-serving president. A constitutionally mandated term limit suggests this would be Vladimir Putin’s last presidential term. As Russia enters a period of power transition, it is likely that a number of political actors will become relevant during this phase. This brief looks at the groups that form the opposition—those operating within the formal institutions and the major players outside it�

Russia—the state with the longest Arctic coastline—is embarking on an ambitious plan to benefit from the vast natural resources of the region, while undertaking a military modernisation effort that had been stalled after the end of the Cold War. As one of the strongest players in the high north, Russia will be key in determining the future of the region, which is facing challenges brought about by global warming. This paper examines Russia’

Russia is widely regarded as one of the major revisionist powers in the world, determined to upend the global liberal order. To be a global power, Russia must become a maritime power as well. Thus, it seeks to gain control in Eurasia and the region between the Black Sea and the Baltic region. The North European Plain and the river Danube hold strategic significance for Russia, the former being a gateway to Europe and the latter the economic lynch

यूक्रेन जंग के बीच कीव में भारी बर्फबारी ने लोगों की चिंता बढ़ा दी है. कीव में भारी बर्फबारी के बीच यहां लोगों को भारी बिजली संकट का सामना करना पड़ रहा है. क्‍या इस बर्फबारी क�

Demographic trends in Russia since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 have largely been unfavourable. Deaths exceeded births for the first time in 1992, and a period of negative growth followed which continued unabated until 2012 when marginal growth was achieved for the first time in two decades. This paper studies the demographic patterns in Russia since 1991, which are unique for several reasons. While population decline is common amo

This paper outlines the development of Russia’s relations with the countries of Southeast Asia, focusing on the years after 2014. As relations with the West reached a new post-Cold War low, Moscow has intensified its efforts at building stronger ties with the East. The paper deals with the impact of these developments on the state of its political, economic and defense engagement in Southeast Asia, both bilaterally and multilaterally. It will s

The SCO is critical for India to advance its priorities for peace and prosperity in its northern periphery and broader Eurasia.

हाल के सम्मेलन से जो सकारात्मक संकेत मिले हैं, उन्हें वास्तविकता के धरातल पर उतारने के लिए चीन को सुनिश्चित करना होगा कि उसकी कथनी एवं करनी में कोई भेद नहीं. तभी एससीओ प्रती�

SCO बैठकीत भारत-चीन संबंधांचं नाजूक संतुलन स्पष्ट दिसलं. जिथे शक्य आहे तिथं सहकार्य, आणि जिथं गरज आहे तिथं सावधगिरी.

This Paper analyses South Africa's position as a member of both BRICS and IBSA, especially the broader strategic implications arising out of its membership of the two organisations.

The Ukraine crisis may have effectively ended the rapprochement between the USand Russia, and in turn affecting relations such as those of Japan and Russia. Prior to this crisis,and the subsequent Western sanctions on Russia, Tokyo and Moscow had been reaching out toeach other, and hope flickered for a resolution to the territorial dispute over the NorthernTerritories or Southern Kurils. This paper argues that with nationalist governments in powe

Recent geopolitical disruptions and India’s geoeconomic and geopolitical ambitions necessitate the building of new, more reliable multimodal trade corridors. This report examines the strategic importance for New Delhi of the ten-year agreement on Chabahar Port in Iran, and how it aligns with India’s ‘Connect Central Asia Policy’ and historical ties with the region. The Chabahar Port, along with the International North-South Trade Corridor

India is reshaping the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s priorities on security, counterterrorism and connectivity

The South Caucasus region—comprising Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan—is a critical geopolitical hub due to its strategic location at the intersection of Asia and Europe, where India has emerged as a new player. This report explores the current India-Armenia partnership in the context of evolving geopolitical dynamics and regional power shifts. It focuses on understanding how Armenia’s strategic importance can serve India’s broader geopol

How did Ukraine’s presence influence the Vilnius summit? Why did Turkey lift its opposition against Sweden?

In the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine war, this paper explores the changing dynamics of the European Union (EU)-Central Asia relationship. It emphasises the growing significance of the Middle Corridor—also known as Trans-Caspian International Transport Route connecting South East Asia with Europe—as a potential alternative route for both the EU and Central Asia, particularly in the context of compliance issues, with sanctions on Northern Rout

Even in its current non-institutionalised form, the Russia-India-China trilateral is giving India a diplomatic leverage.