1175 results found
As technologies evolve, so do threats.
Space is once again becoming the sphere of rivalry and potential conflicts. But the EU Code of Conduct does not move towards a legally binding mechanism that has been the demand from the Asian countries at various multilateral forums.
While there has been progress over the last few years in terms of garnering greater support for the EU Space code, there appear to be a few outstanding issues that need further elaboration and alteration to make the code more appealing. The way forward might be to shift from a consultative to a negotiating phase, before moving to hold a diplomatic conference.
The new draft of the EU-initiated International Code of Conduct for Outer Space is a significant step forward. The language has been tightened to make it more precise. The document is particularly mindful of the interests of emerging Space actors and instituting measures for greater international cooperation. There have also been several practical measures suggested for more transparency.
ISRO should embrace a civilian identity and, aided by legislation, form partnerships with the industry and entrepreneurs.
Aiming to secure their marine resources in the Bay of Bengal, India and Bangladesh settled their maritime boundary in 2014. Despite the delimitation, however, fishers from both countries continue to commit unlawful forays into each other's sovereign waters, leading to the enforcement of punitive measures against those accused or convicted. Such incidents not only jeopardise the fishers’ livelihoods, but repeated occurrences also nettle relation
Over the past decade, Mumbai’s civil society has raised concerns over the way in which the municipal corporation appears to be prioritising rapid development at the cost of the city’s public space. Indeed, the city has lost significant areas of its open spaces owing to various reasons, among them archaic policies, unrealistic goals, and the labyrinthine division of power and jurisdiction between the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation and othe
With much fanfare, Indian Prime Minister Modi's trip to the United States came to a close September 30. However, beyond catchy slogans, are current Indo-US space cooperative initiatives living up to their full potential? Will space help India and the U.S. move forward together for a better world?
Progress will probably require developing small, technical agreements given that big, all-encompassing agreements have proven too difficult under current international circumstances.
Underlying all practical steps between India and France is a shared strategic vision, particularly driven by the strategic uncertainties around China’s rise and its growing assertiveness.
The implications of the American plans for a space weapons corps are still unclear
Due to the persistent adversarial nature of the Sino-Indian border environment, and because China is now a de facto maritime neighbour as well, India needs to examine its options of leveraging sea power. This brief analyses some fundamentals of sea control and sea denial, and examines some misconceptions about these. By using factors of time, force and space, the brief argues that while maritime economic warfare (explained as counter-value operat
Having crossed the rubicon, it can join the conversations along with other established space powers to ensure that space remains weapons-free.
The EU's proposed International Code of Conduct (ICoC) for space activities would not be successful if major space actors stay out of the ICoC, according to Indian PM's Special Envoy for Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, Amb. Rakesh Sood. He says the ICoC was welcomed simply due to the lack of alternate initiatives.
Half a century after the first United Nations Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, the current debates are focused on new sets of challenges such as space mining, which used to belong only to the realm of science fiction. This paper analyses the rationale for extraterrestrial mining, as well as the efforts and responses of various countries—i.e, USA, Luxembourg, Russia, China and India. In examining the legal and go
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence, which is threatened by the formation of the Narendra Modi government in Delhi, have been reactivating networks of LeT and Jaish-e-Mohammad in Kashmir since May/June 2013.
As Sino-Indian enmity in the maritime domain intensifies, the relationship between space assets and maritime capabilities in this constantly evolving rivalry remains understudied. This paper fills the gap with a comparative analysis that brings to the fore the importance of space sensors in the conduct of naval operations for both India and China. Equally relevant to this competition is the relationship between space assets and the nature of the
Space Situational Awareness (SSA) is a very specific subfield, but an increasingly important one for safeguarding space operations.
India is scheduled to launch the lunar rover Chandrayaan-2 in 2018, an emblematic sign of the country's will to step up its space policy. Its efforts in this arena include a revival of international partnerships and a change in its position on space militarization. In the absence of an adequate global governance regime, such activity extends geopolitical tensions to outer space.
The country has just a little over a dozen satellites for military purposes whereas China probably has 10x as many.
Reports of a tabletop war game speak to India’s ongoing efforts to develop its space policy.
While many countries still regard cyber security and space security as 'future challenges', or issues that will need to be dealt with in the coming years, India is already tackling them today.
It remains to be seen whether political will sustains subsequent steps crucial to consolidate this momentum
Following up with the SIPRI-ORF-SWF seminar in New Delhi earlier this year, the Secure World Foundation organised a panel discussion in Washington on "India's Military Space Efforts and Regional Security Considerations".
Commercial interests in the outer space domain calls for new innovative thinking if India has to be able to retain its presence. The Indian political leadership needs to take ownership of this domain and dictate new plans and priorities for the future.
India has held such dialogues with the U.S. and Japan in the past.
ISRO recently announced its plans to undertake a mission to Venus in the early 2020s and has also invited international proposals for scientific payloads.
While a recent test is no doubt historic, New Delhi has much work left to do to address the challenges that remain.
The establishment of a new private institution has spotlighted New Delhi’s ongoing efforts to build out the commercial aspect of its space program.
The moon and Mars initially will be mined for generating fuel and water, but permanent mines to extract helium-3 and other materials cannot be ruled out in the future. The costs are high and technology is still in the nascent stage, but these problems do not appear giant in the face of environmental degradation on Earth.
While the EU has been engaged in bilateral, regional and global efforts to enlist greater support for its Code on ICoC, one cannot say with certainty that the result has been totally satisfactory. There are still many countries that see the EU-proposed measure as problematic owing to a number of issues.
The EU, having taken the lead in initiating the international space code, must be patient in taking it to a meaningful conclusion. It must engage in wider consultations at bilateral, regional and multilateral levels as a means to bridge the political divide between states.
The window of opportunity for such talks is shrinking, and delay could see space emerge as an active domain for conflict.
CyberSpace is a free-wheeling mind-Space at the cutting edge of innovation precisely because of the absence of sovereignty and artificial barriers. Declaring sovereignty here is as absurd as extending one's jurisdiction deep into the minds of others.
The negotiations on Space code of Conduct, set to begin in New York, provide an opportune moment for states to narrow down their differences and help establish a comprehensive instrument. The EU must be patient and develop the necessary consensus so that it establishes a strong support base, vital for the longevity of the code.
