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A US-Russia rapprochement might work in favour of India.

Russian envoy to Afghanistan Zamir Kabulov spoke of India's increasing cooperation with the US.

The “Russian threat” seems to have emerged as one of the principal foreign policy issues in the US elections, though this is not the first time th

The absence of earnest multilateral discussions could send more states down the path of space weaponization, making access to space increasingly tricky.

Even as the war of words continues, there will need to be practical measures to deal with the increasing threats to space.

Humanity depends heavily on the various benefits that nature provides us. It's impossible to truly estimate its value. However, economists and environmental scientists have estimated in dollars what it would cost us to accomplish the services nature provides. Using multiple databases, they estimate that nature provides $33 trillion dollars worth of services every year¿that's nearly twice the annual Gross National Product (GNP) of all the countri

If the Indian government appropriately leverages Russia's goodwill, Russian Far East could turn out to be a growth area for Indian business. Innovatively implemented, India's ties with the Russian Far East could help cement Indo-Russian relations as well as bolster its ties with Central Asia and East Asia.

New sanctions target Russia's top oil firms, Rosneft and Lukoil. The US and EU aim to isolate Russia economically and force negotiations on Ukraine. This move impacts China, India, and Turkiye, key energy buyers. India faces a balancing act with its energy imports. The sanctions signal a shift in global energy dynamics and US influence.

Given its vast coastline, Delhi should devote its attention for now to importing hydrocarbons by sea, investing in equity oil in Russia and other energy-rich countries, and concluding swap arrangements rather than grandiose transregional pipelines.

India’s ties with Beijing have frayed even as relations with Moscow lose warmth because of their actions

This report is the text of a presentation made at a seminar on ’Military-technical Cooperation between Russia and India: Status and Perspectives for Cooperation’, organised jointly by Observer Research Foundation and Unity for Russia Foundation, on October 5-7, 2007 in Moscow.

India will be there at the G-7 to remind the West once again that it is playing an important role in the global oil market.

India’s interest could be more than economic, spilling over into the domain of strategy.

This paper explains Russian co-option of India into the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) at a high level of participation in September 2019 and the range of agreements involved. It argues that the co-option was the result of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s dissatisfaction with the economic outcomes so far for the Russian Far East of “northeast Asian regional cooperation.” Moscow related this behaviour to skewed priorities of East Asia’s �

Russia will wait and watch to see the impact of winter on Western public opinion, and Ukraine is counting on its battlefield gains to secure a lasting momentum. That the West is getting restless about Ukraine's position is evident from the backchannel negotiations between the US and Russian officials.

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev added some flair to the normally staid Indo-Russian diplomatic engagements by visiting the Taj Mahal and "rekindling Russia's Bollywood love affair" with a trip to a film studio in Mumbai.

Noting that BRICS have a significant future, Duma Chairman Sergey Naryshkin has highlighted the need to democratise BRICS as much as possible and to promote the parliamentary dimension of the structure.

The next Russian nuclear reactor plant is likely to come up in Andhra Pradesh, according to Russian Consul-General at Chennai Sergei Kotov. Initiating a discussion on "President Putin's Visit and India-Russia Relations" at ORF Chennai Chapter on January 3, Kotov confirmed that the next plant will not be constructed in Tamil Nadu.

The third meeting of ORF's Indo-Russian dialogue was held in Moscow on 5 - 6 October 2009. India's Russian partner in this dialogue is the Russkiy Mir Foundation headed by Mr. Vyacheslav Nikonov who is also President of the Unity for Russia Foundation.

There are clear differences between India and the rest of the Quad, but it is also evident they are willing to work together to resolve those differences.

Xi Jinping's foreign policy gives acute emphasis to the development of silk roads. The closer Moscow and Beijing get, the more Russia will have to adjust to China's interests. It is important to understand that while Moscow depends heavily on Beijing, the situation is not true in the reverse.

Contradictions in the India-Russia relationship, rooted in China and the Quad, will be difficult to overcome in the long term.

Much of this month has witnessed a slow but steady build-up of Russian troops in Syria. The Russian move is of huge significance - militarily as well geopolitically - not by what it brings to the table, but by what it prevents the other protagonists from doing in that tragic conflict.

The Russia-China partnership has grown steadily in the past decade, driven by Moscow’s widening rift with the European Union. As Western markets closed to Russia in 2014, Beijing emerged as an economic partner, importing Russian energy, defence goods, metals and minerals, timber, and other natural resources and exporting manufactured goods, technology, and dual-use goods. The partnership reached new heights following Russia’s invasion of Ukra

Already, there are voices in the United States and Europe questioning the duration of the West’s support for Ukraine given the precarious economic state in most Western nations

Modi's visit to Germany and France will give him an opportunity to discuss key political issues relating to Ukraine and the Middle-East. India is feeling the indirect impact of the Russian estrangement from Europe as this has led to closer strategic ties between Moscow and Beijing.

Both the US and Russia have been developing a range of new weapons over the past decade and a half — recent developments have prompted the Russians to highlight their “achievements”.

Russian President Vladimir Putin is scheduled to visit India in December 2025. The outcomes of the annual leaders’ summit will be largely determined by how India untangles the trade spat with the United States.

Afghanistan’s willingness to accept China’s offer to join its ambitious China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the possibility of Russian support to Chabahar lends a new nuance to the contestation brewing between India, China and Pakistan.

Last week India hosted two important visitors – Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov, and the US special presidential envoy for climate John Kerry. These were routine visits, one to lay the groundwork for a potential Russian presidential visit to India and the other to assess Indian intentions on climate

With much of the international fury directed at Russian President Putin for supporting rebels in eastern Ukraine, the suspects in shooting down the Malaysian airliner, Narendra Modi may soon find that there are costs associated with India's "privileged" partnership with Russia.

The Central Asian Republics (CARs) have, in recent years, implemented multifaceted foreign policies to achieve strategic autonomy and limit China’s influence and Russia's traditional sway. But domestic uprisings in the CARs, the Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan, and now the Russia-Ukraine conflict have given China new opportunities to strengthen its presence in Central Asia. This brief investigates China's increased engagement with the CARs

While Kremlin may be playing to a Russian audience by blocking the West, broader interests, namely, geopolitics, multilateralism, regional stability, and doubts about the feasibility of UNSC resolutions drive its actions in Syria.

Joe Biden’s decision may have the potential to drag the Trump administration into the conflict.

At the International Atomic Energy Agency’s general conference last week, India backed AUKUS in the face of Russian and Chinese opposition.