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The evolving contours of modern geopolitics is still in a state of flux, and there is wisdom in accepting the notion that the end result is perhaps indeterminable. The age of disruption is here, countries that thrive on disorder may do well in the short term, while nations who invest in stability may well define the future of globalisation and, indeed, the new world order
Modi 2.0 must be about deregulating the economy and improving core regulatory skills to monitor and punish deviations without snuffing out the freedom to innovate, grow or diversify, which are at the heart of entrepreneurship.
Is greater economic engagement with China feasible at a time when New Delhi is moving closer to Beijing’s red lines on Taiwan, Tibet and South China Sea?
India has always been shy of adding a religious tint to its foreign policy. In the last decade, however, the aspiring global power began engaging in what has come to be called 'Buddhist diplomacy' in its outreach to countries in the South, East and Southeast Asia. e prime minister is diligently pursuing India's 'Buddhist agenda' and taking it beyond its borders, emphasising the Indian and Hindu links with Buddhism. Concurrently, another Asian
In an apparent turnaround for Indian foreign policy, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in London in April underscores a change of approach towards a forum generally considered as a non-entity in Indian strategic circles. As a rising power, India is looking at engaging in avenues where its status is recognised, especially during this period of unprecedented global structural ch
Ties between India and Japan are historical and enduring. In the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC), the leaders of the two countries have married their respective countries’ “Act East” Policy and “Free and Open Indo Pacific” aspirations. The AAGC is envisioned to provide a renewed opportunity for partnership where both regions can complement each other’s development and growth. The AAGC will bring out the economic gains for Afr
Both Modi and Hasina will be in power for the next four years and have the historic opportunity to further strengthen bilateral ties for which the Modi visit has contributed in no small measure. The next generation of Bangladeshis and Indians expect no less.
New Delhi is yet to get its defence engagement with Jakarta in shape. Through the decade-long UPA rule, Delhi and Jakarta had been talking about expanding bilateral defence cooperation. But progress had been rather slow thanks to the government's dysfunctional defence policies.
The real issue is not about double standards on terrorism. Nor is hypocrisy a monopoly of either America or India. The problem is different. Although the US and India see terrorism as a great threat to their societies, they have different priorities in the war against it.
In the past, India avoided talking to major powers like the US and Europe on the Middle East. Modi has hinted at a change in this approach by taking forthright positions on terrorism, nuclear proliferation and other controversial issues during his visit to the US.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to France, Germany and Canada beginning Thursday should help New Delhi consolidate three of India's very special relationships -with France, Germany and Canada. Modi's visit to Europe and Canada should help restore some balance to India's international engagement.
Modi appears to recognise that it is strategic restraint that has brought India to the front rank of economic powers.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's penchant for using social media to address the public directly has apparently caused a rift within India's mainstream press.
To foster India-Nepal relations, the focus should be on the 3Cs -- connectivity, communication and communities - according to Sujeev Shakya, Founder CEO, Beed Management and Chair of the Nepal Economic Forum.
The Modi factor disturbed the Congress party also to some extent. Though Jairam Ramesh had called Modi as "India's first authentic fascist", his description that Modi might prove a challenge to the Congress in 2014 did not go well with a Congress veteran who went to the extent of saying that if Ramesh felt so, he might as well resign and join Modi.
PM Modi has made another high decibel visit to the US, once again holding out hope that India is ready to do business. However, unfortunately not much has changed back home between his last trip and the ongoing one. Rules, laws and regulations remain inflexible.
As Prime Minister Narendra Modi completes the first year in office, his greatest momentum has been in foreign policy. But the external opportunities he has successfully created for India could be undermined by potential domestic failures.
The flop black money amnesty scheme is a huge setback for a government which was committed to bringing back black money. What is worrisome is that other nations have succeeded while India has failed abysmally in this exercise.
The Modi government's real challenge in Nepal is not China. It is the tragic failure of Delhi's own engagement with Kathmandu. Despite geographic proximity, cultural intimacy, economic interdependence and shared political values, India has stumbled in Nepal.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh after the land boundary settlement is a step with far-reaching strategic implications. The two countries can now take their bilateral ties to a much higher level.
One hopes that by the time Modi gets to places like Janakpur, Lumbini and Muktinath, India would have taken concrete steps towards the promotion of trans-border connectivity and tourism between the two countries.
Given its proximity to India and its importance in global value chains, ASEAN is in a vital zone of India’s strategic interests.
Six months in office, Narendra Modi has set a scorching pace, but mainly in the area of foreign policy. He has undertaken eight foreign trips, of which six were to the Asia-Pacific region. And, there can be little doubt that the subtext of his visits to nine countries has been China.
When Modi meets Xi, he will be talking to a leader positioning himself and his country as a global power. It is important for India to be in some of the calculations, just as much it is necessary for India not to overstretch by wanting to be seen everywhere.
Narendra Modi came to power with an unexceptional agenda: push economic growth; transform the infrastructure; bring about a social transformation. But this agenda appears to be in danger of being drowned out by a cacophony of voices from Hindutva organisations.
The new Prime Minister will also have to wrestle policy decisions out of the hands of the media panels at primetime. Less than 10% per cent of homes with TV sets watch news and less than ten per cent of those homes watch English news.Yet, anchors and media personalities claim to speak for the nation.
If all goes well, India and the US could partner at the ICANN high table, in the sort of Security Council of Internet governance. In engaging with the tech community in California, Modi was bolstering India's credentials for such a role.
The Government's honeymoon is perhaps already over and realistically it has another 6 to 12 months to start putting flesh on the bare-bone schemes and ideas announced this past year. If these do not eventuate, one may well witness emptier stadiums abroad and hear shriller voices at home.
PM Modi must shed the self-acquired role of the sole, vote gatherer. He needed this image to overcome inner-party contestation and become the Prime Minister. Today, this image is a handicap. On this score, ironically, Modi could usefully emulate the laidback, apolitical Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi.
EGoMs were a useful device that helped decide many contentious issues in India in the past. It was pioneered by the Vajpayee government. It may be useful for the Modi Govt to note that 18 "leading small groups", four presided by President Xi Jinping, exist in the Chinese system as well.
Modi government has stirred a hornet’s nest in imposing a one-day ban on NDTV India on clearly specious grounds that need to be looked into
Even though India's defence, security and economic relations with Israel have been on the upswing since the 1990s, Modi has been credited with elevating the strategic dimension of India-Israel partnership by bringing relations "out of the closet".
Until the country can address its own economic problems, agreements like the RCEP may do more harm than good.
India must improve relations with both Washington and Beijing and not limit ties with one because of the other. India, as Modi says, has the bandwidth to engage both China and the US. The objective must be to build India's comprehensive national power through whatever cooperation is possible with both America and China.
Experience has shown us that governmental systems run by bureaucrats cannot be reformed by them. Reform and restructuring is something only the political class can bring. But the Modi government has sought to rely on the bureaucracy. The result is a seriously underperforming government.
As Prime Minister Narendra Modi winds down an intensive phase of foreign policy activism, one surprising feature of his diplomacy has been the frequent evocation of Buddhism. The PM has put Buddhism at the heart of India's vigorous new diplomacy.
Prime Minister Modi's visit to Australia, taking place nearly 30 years after the last Indian Prime Ministerial visit (Rajiv Gandhi in 1986), comes at a critical time for both countries - when strategic equations are being redrawn, creating new Asian security dynamics.
As one of the world's largest economies and as a rising power, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is suggesting that India needs "multi-alignment", or more intensive partnerships with all great powers, including America and China.
Cricket has always come in handy for India and Pakistan leaders to break political ice at difficult moments. And this World Cup has provided Modi with an opportunity to end the current diplomatic impasse. Modi called up Sharif to wish Pakistan well in the Cup and offered to send the new foreign secretary to Islamabad.
Under Modi, India must find the right balance between a strong national leadership, popular expectations for change and an optimistic vision of progress. Change can certainly be achieved, but Indians need more than just the will of a strong leader.
