542 results found
For decades since 1932, after the Chakri dynasty gave up absolute power, Thailand has lived under the shadow of military coups.
It is making giant strides where the US refused to go
The prevailing tension on the China-India border is a symptom of the broader strategic competition between the two Asian neighbors.
Restricting access to strategic resources is a classic statecraft strategy that China seems to be perfecting
Despite the hypocrisy and power politics at the foundation of the GSI, it would be foolish to dismiss it or assume that it will not garner support from other countries.
India’s ties with Beijing have frayed even as relations with Moscow lose warmth because of their actions
India’s sees subregional engagement, like the expanding Colombo Security Conclave, as critical for securing its strategic interests.
India’s aim in engaging with BRICS may be an effort to demonstrate that it retains strategic autonomy and that it engages with all major powers irrespective of incongruences.
Despite the positive signs in India-Russia ties, one must be careful not to overestimate their significance when considered alongside some long-term trends in international affairs such as the relations of the US and its closest challengers China and Russia.
The United States (US) is recalibrating its strategy in the Indian Ocean, driven by the region’s rapidly evolving geopolitical and geostrategic landscape. The US approach has moved from unilateral dominance to a more collaborative strategy that emphasises shared leadership through a technology-driven security paradigm. This paradigm supports a rule-based order where regional stakeholders are empowered to adopt more significant roles. The founda
A survey finds overwhelming support for Modi’s foreign policy among Indian youth
The US Quadrennial Defense Review panel's recent (July 29, 2010) report to the US Congress had a very telling remark about Pakistan Army and its intelligence agencies which raises a whole new spectre of violence the world is likely to confront in the years ahead.
The United States, Japan, India, Australia – may emerge as guarantors of free trade and defense cooperation to check China
Beginning in 2017, the first Trump Administration steered United States (US)-China relations from engagement to competition. Thereafter, Biden largely built on this policy, while giving indications of moving towards a phase of “competitive co-existence”. Under Biden, the US sought to reassure China that it was adopting a strategy of “de-risking” and not “de-coupling,” and its goal was to adopt a technology export regime that would als
It offers a notable contrast that India’s ties with Russia haven’t taken off despite New Delhi’s keenness while its relationship with the US has expanded notwithstanding hesitations.
Those who want us to join the Western bandwagon and condemn Russia seem oblivious to their own stand when it comes to supporting India against China and Pakistan.
There are growing tensions in New Delhi’s engagement within this arrangement and its other alignments.
A changing global economic order will make many nations focus on India as a preferred destination for investment over China.
China's new maritime law – in which foreign vessels will have to submit details to Chinese authorities when transiting through its 'territorial waters' – has now come into force.
The $375 million BrahMos deal will have an impact on the India-China, India-ASEAN as well as the Philippines-China relations
The fourth Quad Leaders’ Summit will be an opportunity to assess its progress in ensuring a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific
The India-Japan engagement has been enhanced both on the bilateral front as well as in minilateral formats such as the Quad in recent years.
Delhi sides with the U.S. and Japan vis a vis China in this strategic strait. But it needs substantial improvements.
Indian elites still remain nervous when it comes to engaging the United States
Observers in New Delhi profess mixed feelings — some joy for Australia, but more commiseration with France
India needs to consider the political and military consequences of a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan and formulate a policy to support Taiwan's freedom
Trump's return raises questions about his China policy, offering India a chance to attract investment amid U.S.-China tensions.
S Jaishankar’s visit to the Philippines from the Quad summit also showcased India’s willingness to more proactively shape the strategic contours of the Indo-Pacific
Like several other countries in the Indo-Pacific, India is also hardening its policy posture vis-à-vis China.
It’s fashionable to be pessimistic about the India-Australia partnership, but in fact it is steadily improving.
India and Australia’s relationship has progressed remarkably, underscoring shared concerns in the Indo-Pacific.
By broadening the scope of bilateral cooperation from the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) to encompass the entire Indo-Pacific region, the India-France Indo-Pacific Roadmap, released in July 2023, underscores the importance of moving beyond the traditional self-centred approach to foster a more outward-looking dynamic with key regional partners. The cooperative trilateral mechanisms established by India and France in 2020 (India-France-Australia) and i
The Indo-Pacific region has become a crucial area of the India-United States (US) partnership. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two countries have increased their alignment on the Indo-Pacific, with both sides giving greater priority to the region and acknowledging sharper shared concerns about China. The US and India are also increasing cooperation via the Quad and engaging in other platforms such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (I
Despite multiple crises in Europe and the Middle East, the 2+2 strategic dialogue demonstrated that Washington has not entirely lost sight of what needs to be done in the Indo-Pacific.
iCET will be led by the US National Science Foundation and Department of Science and Technology of India. Among its goals is an ambition to foster a partnership, joining six of India's technology innovation hubs to support at least 25 joint research projects with the US in areas such as AI and data science, and apply its gains to agriculture, health and climate, etc.
Speculations are rife about India possibly inviting Australia for the next Malabar naval exercise—which COVID-19 has caused to be moved to 2021.[1] If true, this would represent a break from the past and signal a change in the Asian strategic environment. Over the past few years, India has consistently resisted including Australia in the exercise, despite the latter’s willingness. The only other time that Australia was included in the Malabar
With discussions underway for Canberra to join the Malabar naval exercises, New Delhi hopes to add a new backer in its fight against China
The pace of growth in the Australia-India strategic relationship is quite impressive, but New Delhi’s hesitance on hard security issues may hamper further developments.
New Delhi finds a prominent place in the strategy’s focus on Washington’s network of allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific.
‘Dogmas of Delhi’ mustn’t beat our ability to innovate and experiment at the level of big ideas
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