1976 results found
India need not bite the bait, it can use the space created for pushing its own agenda with China which includes resolving our border dispute, getting the Pakistani monkey off our backs and getting better terms of trade from the Chinese. China is unlikely to yield anything easily, but if the emerging Indo-Pacific geopolitics provides an opportunity, New Delhi would be foolish to look the other way.
Beijing’s aggression has made India’s diffidence about alignment obsolete
The Indian Ocean, a vast maritime expanse, features diverse social, spatial, and topographical characteristics. This diversity is evident in the various actors operating independently, with minimal synergy, political unity, and distinct challenges, across its sub-regions. In this context, what does the maritime security architecture in the region look like? This brief finds that it remains fragmented, and makes a case for nurturing its cohesivene
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There is widespread hope that the 26th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26) in Glasgow will deliver decisive action on the goals of the Paris Climate Agreement. This report gathers different perspectives from analysts in South Asia, Africa, the Indo-Pacific, and the UK on regional priorities and positions on key issues related to the global fight against climate change. Certain threads bind these analyses regarding what the
This paper examines the environmental and policy-level challenges to the actualisation of US-India counterterrorism cooperation. Indeed, despite their seeming convergence on the imperative of effective counterterrorism, there has been limited cooperation between the two countries. While the US’ sense of “American exceptionalism” and its hegemon status purports a utilitarian notion of the adversary, India’s regional power status makes its
What India stands to gain from Trump’s pressure on China
The new US National Security Strategy outlines a focused approach, highlighting the Western Hemisphere and Indo-Pacific as vital interests. India is recognized as a key partner in the Indo-Pacific, with renewed emphasis on the Quad grouping. The strategy signals US commitment to countering China's influence in Asia.
Track record of Trump 1.0 suggest defence ties will not be purely transactional. Yet, getting the US to show more commitment to technology transfer will be challenging. But Trump’s desire to cement a legacy is an opportunity that needs to be seized.
Internally, Trump has already indicated his administration will differ markedly from his prior one. Many key figures from his first term, such as John Kelly and John Bolton, have either distanced themselves from him or openly opposed his leadership, suggesting a fresh team with potentially distinct policy goals. This shift could result in notable changes across domestic and foreign policy fronts. The entry of people like Elon Musk, Vivek Ramaswam
The US appears to lack a coherent strategy for the Asian region.
The solipsistic Trump “revolution” is unfolding on fantasies about economic growth.
NSS 2025 signals a shift away from universal commitments towards transactional alignments and an assertion of national interest
Trump's Asia visit highlighted key economic and security deals with allies, offering India valuable lessons on leveraging market, money, and minerals to secure comprehensive deals and strengthen strategic ties with the US
New Delhi will have to re-examine its equations as the US resets its engagement with the world.
How South Asian countries will cope with the Trump administration, even as they balance China and India, is yet to be seen
Major powers compete among themselves in shoring up their global heft and capabilities, as developing world is struggling to cope with consequences
The upcoming “global deployment” is intended to reinforce the U.K.’s tilt toward the Indo-Pacific region.
More than the growth of the Indian diaspora in Australia or two-way commerce, the potential for naval cooperation and reshaping the political geography of the Indo-Pacific excites the relationship's strategic proponents.
Japan-Thailand relations are understated, yet dynamic and continuing to evolve. The two have worked towards fortifying their ties across various sectors, including defence, investments, and energy, undergirded by a mutual commitment to regional stability and economic prosperity. A paramount interest is navigating the geopolitical complexities of the times, amid growing external threats that necessitate deeper security cooperation comprising bilat
This brief examines the response of the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) to the prolonged Ukraine war. ASEAN’s approach is viewed from two perspectives: how individual member states have responded, and the stance that the grouping itself has taken. In the immediate aftermath of the Russian invasion in February this year, the ASEAN statement was insipid; it underlined the importance of the principles of ‘mutual respect fo
After Doklam, China seems to want to ‘expose’ once again how India’s Quad allies are concerned only about the shared waters of the Indo-Pacific
Austin is set to land in India on Friday, for a visit that aims to deepen defense cooperation between the United States and India.
While India watches the elections with interest, whether it is a Republican or a Democrat who comes to power, US-India ties are set to improve because of bipartisan consensus in the US that the relationship has to grow stronger in view of shared concerns and interests in the Indo Pacific.
Even as Washington expects India to be a net security provider in the Indo-Pacific region, the country is offering itself as a key partner in managing the cyber oceans. The US must now reciprocate.
The breakdown of high-level communications worrying
Trilateral Security Cooperation (TSC) is a unique framework for the United States (US), South Korea, and Japan to jointly address the common security challenge of North Korea, particularly concerning its nuclear weapons programme. Acknowledging that a unified approach would be more effective in tackling North Korea, the three countries forged a partnership in the early 1990s which has continued to the present day. Over the years, the domestic pol
Possible maritime cooperation with Vietnam and the US - a collaboration unimaginable until very recent times - will strengthen India's current approach to multilateral engagement to secure its strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific.
The India-U.S. Joint Vision and the mention of the South China Sea is India's strategic response to the growing Chinese naval profile in the Indian Ocean Region. In this context, US outreach to Vietnam and India's Act East policy are symbolic of India-U.S. cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.
This Paper examines the evolution of India and Indonesia's military strategic mindset, from inward-looking powers to budding naval powers. It asserts that the two countries will have "no choice but to cast aside the antiquated aspects of non-alignment and move toward a more pragmatic approach to foreign policy, based on multilateralism."
For steady growth in the face of fragile geopolitical contestations, New Delhi needs access to different platforms to pursue interests in multiple geographies
Beijing is not doing as well as it would like us to think. Its economic challenges and isolation have meant it is keener than its put-off partners to achieve some normalcy in ties with other countries.
DEWs are yet to be deployed by any country’s military, but are widely seen as a critical part of future warfare.
Backing Moscow beyond a point is likely to hurt Beijing’s economic plans and long-term interests
The trip produced a mixed outlook for New Delhi’s perceptions of Beijing’s inroads in the wider Indo-Pacific.
The Russian president, who will be in New Delhi on December 6, is not just coming to maintain the ‘special, privileged strategic partnership’, but to also deepen bilateral relations
An economic revival would grant India the resources for power projection but strategy matters even more if those are scarce
Taiwan is not willing to be assimilated, at least politically, into the motherland
