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The changing distribution of power and the Chinese challenge to US primacy demands that countries like India and Australia bear larger responsibility for security. The future of the Indo-Pacific can't be tied solely to the twists and turns of the dynamic between Washington and Beijing.
Amidst the prolonged Russia-Ukraine war, the continuing attention being given by the United States (US) to the Indo-Pacific region has been remarkable, belying widespread expectations that it would refocus its resources. This brief posits that the US interest in its Indo-Pacific strategy has not diminished as the region continues to represent an important pillar of overall US geostrategy. Its involvement in the region is not simply being
There is no dearth in analyses that sound the alarm on the current United States (US) administration’s policy in the Indo-Pacific. This paper conducts an evaluation of the US’ engagement in the region, and finds it to be contrary to alarmist predictions. President Donald Trump’s administration has reaffirmed commitments towards traditional allies, built on the predecessor president’s courtship of nascent partners, and encouraged partners
In the Asia-Pacific region, the US has made its return in an effective manner and this is likely to continue without any time limit. By marking his attendance at the Bali conference, President Obama became the first US President to attend a summit of East Asian leaders, a region that China sees as its rightful sphere of influence.
In the face of China's growing assertiveness, the United States' policy toward potential flashpoints is certainly going to play an important role in determining America's role in the Asia-Pacific, according to experts.
As of now, the Quad’s formal agenda is modest. It remains a platform for leaders of the four countries to meet each other collectively and bilaterally. Meetings have so far taken up the issue of providing vaccines, building supply chains, mitigating climate change and providing humanitarian relief. An unstated aspect of the Quad grouping is supply-chain resilience and the need to have a chain which is not linked to China.
The United States' pivot to Asia is real and enduring, according to Professor Jeffrey W Legro, Professor of Politics and Randolph P. Compton Professor in the Miller Center at the University of Virginia.
That India-US ties are at the nexus of a new beginning shaping the Indo-Pacific is no surprise. PM Modi's second visit to the US at the beginning of his second year in office only reiterates the importance of this relationship.
The South China Sea dispute is today at the centre of the emerging geopolitical game in the Asia Pacific region. The growing US-Vietnam friendship will have a strong bearing on the direction of the changing regional security dynamics.
While the new Indo-Pacific construct continues to grab headlines, India's recent diplomatic orientation points to a renewed appreciation of what American strategist Zbigniew Brzezinski called the world’s “decisive geopolitical chessboard”: Eurasia. In order to grasp the significance of this strategic space, it is useful to compare it with the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific.
This new mini-lateral grouping of the US and three of its allies could coordinate actions with the Quad for regional stability
The Biden administration's Indo-Pacific strategy was announced days before the conflict between Ukraine and Russia took a turn for the worse, necessitating that the US turns its focus sharply on Russia and Europe once again.
A recent engagement spotlighted the broader strategic collaboration between the two countries in this realm.
For now, India’s role in the Western Pacific region remains symbolic, and in the Indo-Pacific context, confined to the Indian Ocean Region.
With more nations building their nuclear arsenal, the Indo-Pacific is becoming a high-risk place.
A closer look at what the recently released US Missile Defense Review means for New Delhi.
A proactive Europe is welcomed by many in the Indo-Pacific, a reality highlighted by a recent ministerial forum focused on cooperation in the region.
As the European Union has recently started to look beyond China, labeling it as a strategic competitor in 2019, new partnerships would be needed and are being codified. Italy too needs to respond fast to this evolving strategic reality by framing its own approach to the Indo-Pacific in general and India in particular.
हिंद प्रशांत क्षेत्र में अमेरिका को मात देने के लिए चीन कुछ भी करने को तैयार है. वह ऑस्ट्रेलिया और दक्षिण कोरिया को भी गले लगाने का तैयार है. इस तरह चीन ने अपनी कूटनीति को धार
श्रीलंका में भारतीय और चीनी राजनयिक मिशन के बीच एक चीनी मिलिट्री रिसर्च पोत के वहां पहुंचने को लेकर सोशल मीडिया पर बहस छिड़ गई.
ख़ुशहाल और समृद्ध देशों में शुमार श्रीलंका की आर्थिक बदहाली के बाद दुनिया के इन मुल्कों की चिंता बढ़ गई है. इसमें पाकिस्तान और नेपाल भी शामिल हैं. बता दें कि श्रीलंका अपनी आ�
सवाल यह है कि क्या क्वॉड या इस तरह का कोई प्लैटफॉर्म एशियन नेटो की तरह उभर सकता है?
By ratcheting up tension, China is causing alarm in other countries that use the busy South China Sea as the shortest and most convenient link between the Pacific and Indian Oceans. The Chinese could well end up the losers as the countries affected could band together to offset Chinese aggressiveness. Worse, it could well trigger off Japanese nationalism and rearmament.
Chinese foreign policy statements may seem sloganistic, ritualistic and without content but one has to realise it need not be articulated in the Euro-American way, says Prof. Geremie Barme of Australian National University College of Asia and Pacific.
Relations between India and Australia have reached a new maturity, based on deepening connections between their societies, economies, education sectors and policy establishments. This positions these two democracies well to work together to advance their interests in a shared Indo-Pacific region.
The great power turbulence offers India a chance to build on its own commitments in Indo-Pacific while the US recentres focus on the western hemisphere
The release of the National Defense Strategy, the Nuclear Posture Review and the Missile Defense Review reinforces the central message of the Biden administration’s National Security Strategy, which focuses on the current decade as being a ‘decisive’ one
Shipbuilding capability has emerged as a key component of sea power in the contemporary strategic competition in the vast Indo-Pacific. Over the past few decades, there have been concerns that the United States (US) is falling behind in the competition, particularly in comparison to China. Meanwhile, US partners in the Indo-Pacific region with strong shipbuilding capabilities, such as South Korea and Japan, have risen as potential providers of sh
