1630 results found
This paper examines the environmental and policy-level challenges to the actualisation of US-India counterterrorism cooperation. Indeed, despite their seeming convergence on the imperative of effective counterterrorism, there has been limited cooperation between the two countries. While the US’ sense of “American exceptionalism” and its hegemon status purports a utilitarian notion of the adversary, India’s regional power status makes its
Track record of Trump 1.0 suggest defence ties will not be purely transactional. Yet, getting the US to show more commitment to technology transfer will be challenging. But Trump’s desire to cement a legacy is an opportunity that needs to be seized.
Internally, Trump has already indicated his administration will differ markedly from his prior one. Many key figures from his first term, such as John Kelly and John Bolton, have either distanced themselves from him or openly opposed his leadership, suggesting a fresh team with potentially distinct policy goals. This shift could result in notable changes across domestic and foreign policy fronts. The entry of people like Elon Musk, Vivek Ramaswam
The US appears to lack a coherent strategy for the Asian region.
The solipsistic Trump “revolution” is unfolding on fantasies about economic growth.
Major powers compete among themselves in shoring up their global heft and capabilities, as developing world is struggling to cope with consequences
The upcoming “global deployment” is intended to reinforce the U.K.’s tilt toward the Indo-Pacific region.
More than the growth of the Indian diaspora in Australia or two-way commerce, the potential for naval cooperation and reshaping the political geography of the Indo-Pacific excites the relationship's strategic proponents.
Japan-Thailand relations are understated, yet dynamic and continuing to evolve. The two have worked towards fortifying their ties across various sectors, including defence, investments, and energy, undergirded by a mutual commitment to regional stability and economic prosperity. A paramount interest is navigating the geopolitical complexities of the times, amid growing external threats that necessitate deeper security cooperation comprising bilat
This brief examines the response of the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) to the prolonged Ukraine war. ASEAN’s approach is viewed from two perspectives: how individual member states have responded, and the stance that the grouping itself has taken. In the immediate aftermath of the Russian invasion in February this year, the ASEAN statement was insipid; it underlined the importance of the principles of ‘mutual respect fo
After Doklam, China seems to want to ‘expose’ once again how India’s Quad allies are concerned only about the shared waters of the Indo-Pacific
Austin is set to land in India on Friday, for a visit that aims to deepen defense cooperation between the United States and India.
While India watches the elections with interest, whether it is a Republican or a Democrat who comes to power, US-India ties are set to improve because of bipartisan consensus in the US that the relationship has to grow stronger in view of shared concerns and interests in the Indo Pacific.
Even as Washington expects India to be a net security provider in the Indo-Pacific region, the country is offering itself as a key partner in managing the cyber oceans. The US must now reciprocate.
The breakdown of high-level communications worrying
Possible maritime cooperation with Vietnam and the US - a collaboration unimaginable until very recent times - will strengthen India's current approach to multilateral engagement to secure its strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific.
The India-U.S. Joint Vision and the mention of the South China Sea is India's strategic response to the growing Chinese naval profile in the Indian Ocean Region. In this context, US outreach to Vietnam and India's Act East policy are symbolic of India-U.S. cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.
This Paper examines the evolution of India and Indonesia's military strategic mindset, from inward-looking powers to budding naval powers. It asserts that the two countries will have "no choice but to cast aside the antiquated aspects of non-alignment and move toward a more pragmatic approach to foreign policy, based on multilateralism."
For steady growth in the face of fragile geopolitical contestations, New Delhi needs access to different platforms to pursue interests in multiple geographies
Beijing is not doing as well as it would like us to think. Its economic challenges and isolation have meant it is keener than its put-off partners to achieve some normalcy in ties with other countries.
DEWs are yet to be deployed by any country’s military, but are widely seen as a critical part of future warfare.
Backing Moscow beyond a point is likely to hurt Beijing’s economic plans and long-term interests
The trip produced a mixed outlook for New Delhi’s perceptions of Beijing’s inroads in the wider Indo-Pacific.
The Russian president, who will be in New Delhi on December 6, is not just coming to maintain the ‘special, privileged strategic partnership’, but to also deepen bilateral relations
An economic revival would grant India the resources for power projection but strategy matters even more if those are scarce
Taiwan is not willing to be assimilated, at least politically, into the motherland
Settle the border with India. With increasing US pressure, it is in China’s interest.
While the impetus for closer alignment is clear, much work remains to be done on the security side and within the wider bilateral relationship.
India, France and the UAE, which share strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific, met for a ministerial meeting on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly last week.
China continues to warn regional players of negative consequences of their actions. Yet, it is Beijing’s own behaviour that is reshaping the Indo-Pacific landscape
Despite earlier reports that India would actually participate in the Australia-U.S. led military exercise, New Delhi remained an observer of the latest iteration.
The strengthening of relations in the geopolitical sphere has also given a push to the India-Asean economic ties, with Asean now India's fourth-largest trading partner engaging in bilateral trade in 2019-20 worth $86.9 billion.
The costs of a hot conflict in the Asia Pacific would be high and have difficult consequences. The challenge for US and its partners would be to deter Chinese aggressive posture without risking an escalation of conflict.
Like it or not, the term ‘Indo Pacific’ seems to be a means of including India in the military calculations of US strategy in the Pacific.
Indian decision-makers appear to live in splendid isolation and do not recognise the importance of meetings like the Pacific Army Chiefs Conference. These meetings have become more institutionalised and are likely to gain greater momentum.
The West, often used to a pontificating India of the past, today hears an Indian voice that is capable of articulating a narrative of a responsible stakeholder that is firmly steeped in its own ethos
New Delhi has a key role in ensuring that the broader coalition of like-minded partners in the Indo-Pacific is sustained
The Indian Air Force faces threats in its Northeastern sector similar to those facing the United States in the Western Pacific. So, it would benefit both to share data on a more regular basis and plan joint responses to any problems.
The evolving global order makes it difficult for them to pursue fully convergent policies; a long-term view is essential
इंडो-पॅसिफिकवरून, अमेरिका-चीनमध्ये तणाव वाढतोय. त्यामुळे अफगाणिस्तानातील घडामोडींच्या पार्श्वभूमीवर भारताने सावध राहायला हवे.
सुरक्षेपासून ते व्यापारापर्यंत अनेक बाबींमध्ये या त्रिपक्षीय युतीसमोर चीनचे मोठे आव्हान उभे आहे.
जपान, फिलीपिन्स आणि अमेरिका यांच्यात अलीकडे त्रिपक्षीय शिखर परिषद पार पडली. या प्रदेशामध्ये सामूहिक प्रतिसाद आणि स्वसंरक्षण सुधारण्यासाठी सामायिक हितसंबंध दर्शविणार�
अमेरिका आणि फिलिपिन्स यांचे अधिकाधिक मजबूत होणारे संबंध, हे या प्रदेशातील सागरी सुरक्षा व्यवस्थेची रुंदी आणि व्याप्ती दर्शवतात.
आशियातील दहा देशांना एकत्र जोडणारा 'इंडो-पॅसिफिक' प्रदेश भौगोलिक व व्यूहरचनेच्या दृष्टीने अत्यंत महत्त्वाचा आहे.
इंडो-पॅसिफिक क्षेत्रातील चीनची मक्तेदारी मोडून काढायची असेल तर भारताला या भागातील गुंतवणूक आणि सहकारी वाढविण्याची गरज आहे.
