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With the enhancement of power in the Indo-Pacific region, China is attempting to create new constructs in the security arena which will be exclusively for Asians and it will bestow primacy to themselves.
Although Europe is not geographically proximate to the Indo-Pacific, it has a clear interest in the stability of the region that has become a pivot for global economic and strategic interactions in recent years. This paper analyses the prospects for increased partnerships between the European Union (EU) and the countries of the Indo-Pacific. It examines current engagements of the EU, as an institution and as individual countries, in the region, a
In recent times, the centre of gravity for global trade and economic activities has shifted to the Indo-Pacific and, consequently, there is heightened competition between global powers that have stakes in the region. The importance of connectivity has therefore come to the forefront, covering domains like digitisation with interoperable regimes comprising data protection and cyber security, along with cross-border infrastructures that need attent
Bangladesh’s Indo-Pacific Outlook, released in April 2023, is a projection of its interests in the region, and a testament to its political nonalignment and commitment to economic development. Its focus on upholding the rule of law and maintaining regional stability makes it a conducive partner for neighbouring countries and major powers in the Indo-Pacific. Bangladesh enjoys close ties with China, Japan, and the US, and a special relationship
A four-day maritime conference on "Maritime Geo-Politics in the Indo-pacific" was organised in Chennai, Kochi and New Delhi recently. The conference saw speakers deliver perspectives from India, China, Japan, US, Australia and Indonesia.
Heightening great-power rivalry has impeded consensus-making in multilateral institutions. This has given rise, in recent years, to minilaterals especially in the Indo-Pacific. Even as there are criticisms that minilaterals are too informal and lacking in structures that are required for focused debates, China’s belligerence has galvanised support for, and focus within minilateral groupings in the region. Over the past year, the fallout of the
As the world confronts multiple challenges which are intricately connected, our path for development stands at a crucial juncture. In the context of the embroiling polycrisis, progress on the sustainable development goals (SDGs) has been steady but fragile with major and persistent challenges. Financing for Agenda 2030 has emerged as a major bottleneck with several developing economies, especially the least developed countries (LDCs), low-income
France has continued to remain one of India’s trusted strategic partners, with cooperation extending across many issues.
The stakes — who gets to construct the legal, economic, and military architecture of an integrated Indo-Pacific region — are enormous.
The US-led TPP would face increasing competition as China recently concluded a free trade agreement with Australia (ChAFTA) and South Korea and is pushing for a broader Asia-trade pact - Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.
This brief examines the evolution of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept in the context of the dynamic role of “regions” in international relations. It argues that the conception of these theatres is a consequence of power relations; that as power dynamics change, so does the conceptualisation of regions. This would also explain why the boundaries of regions can be arbitrary—why, for instance, the Asia-Pacific stops at Myanmar and does not inclu
India has the longest coastline in the Bay of Bengal, making it critical for the country to manage maritime security challenges in this space. However, given the transnational nature of most maritime threats, India must cooperate with other Bay littorals and the major powers to address these issues. The Bay of Bengal is a vital part of the Indo-Pacific geostrategic construct, and a secure Bay is fundamental to a stable Indo-Pacific. By addressing
Despite differences that remain, there is clear evidence of growing strategic convergence by both countries in the security realm.
India needs to do a more convincing job as a beneficial strategic partner of ASEAN by boosting its domestic economic reforms agenda, enhancing regional connectivity, and increasing its presence in regional institutions. ASEAN too should be more specific in its expectations from New Delhi.
This brief seeks to apply ancient Indian strategic thought in the study of the country’s contemporary maritime relations. It argues that India should shift its maritime strategy from a largely continental posture to one that focuses on the country’s maritime mandala. Using concepts from the ancient Indian political treatise, Arthashastra, this brief contends that a “return of history” via the Indo-Pacific, and re-emerging multipolarity, r
It is clear that countries in the region would like to see India play a greater security role in the Indo-Pacific - that is India should be more proactive, rather than reactive. India should take advantage of the opportunities, and take on responsibilities.
S Jaishankar’s visit to the Philippines from the Quad summit also showcased India’s willingness to more proactively shape the strategic contours of the Indo-Pacific
India is a dialogue partner of the Pacific Island Forum (PIF), and PM Modi has acted to enhance India’s involvement with the region.
Like several other countries in the Indo-Pacific, India is also hardening its policy posture vis-à-vis China.
India must contextualise France in a region-specific sense because in the Pacific the French are associated with colonial past and present.
By broadening the scope of bilateral cooperation from the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) to encompass the entire Indo-Pacific region, the India-France Indo-Pacific Roadmap, released in July 2023, underscores the importance of moving beyond the traditional self-centred approach to foster a more outward-looking dynamic with key regional partners. The cooperative trilateral mechanisms established by India and France in 2020 (India-France-Australia) and i
The Indo-Pacific region has become a crucial area of the India-United States (US) partnership. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two countries have increased their alignment on the Indo-Pacific, with both sides giving greater priority to the region and acknowledging sharper shared concerns about China. The US and India are also increasing cooperation via the Quad and engaging in other platforms such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (I
Despite multiple crises in Europe and the Middle East, the 2+2 strategic dialogue demonstrated that Washington has not entirely lost sight of what needs to be done in the Indo-Pacific.
Given that the China threat looms large for both Vietnam and India, the bilateral relationship between New Delhi and Hanoi is likely to gain even greater traction.
New Delhi finds a prominent place in the strategy’s focus on Washington’s network of allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific.
While India rhetorically endorses the idea of the Indo-Pacific, three issues prevent actual operationalisation of the concept for New Delhi.
That IPEF member countries have come so far since the group’s establishment a year ago suggests that there is a near unanimous view about supply chain vulnerabilities.
Tokyo's growing engagement with the countries of the region is a strong reflection of Japan's desire to play a greater role in regional security. As Beijing continues to take assertive and aggressive actions in the region, Tokyo has found a way to renew its partnerships with the key actors of the region.
Japanese and Indian foreign ministers, Mr Fumio Kishida and Ms. Sushma Swaraj, have now agreed to hold a meeting at an earlier date this year that would allow the foreign ministers of India, Japan and the US to conduct talks. This positive move will contribute significantly to creating stability in the Indo-Pacific.
Despite domestic political changes, the alliance with the US continues to be the cornerstone of Japan's security policy in the Asia-Pacific region. Although Japan has taken some siginificant steps in the direction of normal statehood, the domestic constituency in favour of full strategic autonomy is still very weak. Japan's dilemma between its growing security concerns and the limitations laid by its Constitution will continue to be a major chall
