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कारगिल युद्धामध्ये पाकिस्तानवर भारताने राजनैतिक दबाव व

India's diplomatic pressure on Pakistan during the Kargil War illustrates the interconnection between diplomacy and war and how the former influences

Enhancing regional integration will bode well for India as a rising power, a key tenet of which is a stable neighbourhood

पाकिस्तानची लहान अण्वस्त्रे आपली पारंपरिक लष्करी शक्ती

Pakistan’s TNWs could deter India's conventional military superiority, preventing territorial gains. The threat of tactical nuclear escalation might

India might be deceiving itself by believing China will limit itself to "grey-zone operations" along the Sino-Indian border, avoiding all-out war. Thi

भारत व पाकिस्तान दरम्यान पुन्हा संबंध प्रस्थापित होतील,

Speculation is rife on both sides of the Radcliffe Line about a possible re-engagement between India and Pakistan. However, it remains uncertain wheth

पाकिस्तानला आपले 'भारत धोरण' 'काश्मीर धोरणा'पासून वेगळे क�

Pakistan may want to normalise relations by bifurcating their “India policy” from their “Kashmir policy”, but this is no longer acceptable to

Would India–Pakistan relations witness an upswing under the newly formed government of Shehbaz Sharif?

A thaw in the India-Pakistan relations remains highly unlikely if Pakistan continues to back anti-India policies

China would have a seat in the high table when the South Asian neighbours discuss and decide upon the ‘K-issue’.

It will take a very prolonged series of successful trust building before more sensitive issues like Kashmir are even discussed with any credibility.

The Paper makes a critical appraisal of India-Pakistan relations and explores their future trajectory in the aftermath of the Mumbai terrorist attack of November 2008. The rising tide of terrorism within Pakistan after 9/11 and the importance of South Asia to the United States made Pakistan selectively withdraw support to terrorist groups. This, in turn, helped India's efforts to initiate the Composite Dialogue in 2004.

It is important for both countries to think outside the box and create constituencies of peace outside New Delhi and Islamabad, especially in the two Punjabs. While Punjabi tarka can not be the core of India-Pakistan relations, it must not be overlooked either.

The killings in Kashmir suggests that the terror eco-system has been taking its cue from Pakistani army chief with an eye towards bringing back some international attention to the conflict

It can be very tempting to not be overly optimistic following the recent meeting between Narendra Modi and Nawaz Sharif in Ufa, Russia. There is a sense of familiarity to the manner in which India-Pakistan relations unfold.

A lively and frank debate on India-Pakistan relationship marked the meeting between a high-powered delegation from Pakistan led by former Prime Minister Chaudhary Shujaat Hussain and an Indian team of senior diplomats, strategic analysts, commentators and policy makers led by former Indian Foreign Secretary M Rasgotra, who is presently, International Affairs Adviser, Observer Research Foundation (ORF), New Delhi, at ORF, Campus on March 31, 2005.

History is all set to repeat itself in the subcontinent. As usual, the search for a permanent thaw in the India-Pakistan relationship seems to be hitting a big bump in the days ahead that might possibly derail the bilateral negotiation process initiated during the Islamabad SAARC Summit in January this year.

Saying that South Asian countries need to work closely to share, and not divide, water, the author says the consequence of bringing water to a pedestal on India-Pakistan relations can have devastating effects on regional security and prosperity.

In an article of November 22, 2004, on India-Pakistan relations (http://www.saag.org/papers12/paper1169.html), I had written as follows:

The Modi government has been diplomatically polite and is in no haste to reach out to Pakistan for bilateral talks yet.

This special report analyses insights gathered by the author from different sections of the Kashmir public regarding the impact of the abrogation of Article 370 on their lives. The interviews were supplemented by secondary sources, primarily news reports in the national and international media after 5 August 2019, when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government of India abrogated the enforcement of Article 370 of the Constitution, which sinc

The Nepal-India-Sri Lanka initiative could be used to pursue better people-to-people relations.

Given the state of India-Pakistan relations, India doesn’t have much diplomatic leverage with Islamabad at this juncture.

To characterise the Modi-Sharif meeting and joint statement in Ufa as a "breakthrough" would be a gross exaggeration. It is another move - a positive move, but only one small move in the larger reckoning - in the elaborate chess game of India-Pakistan relations.

Khan’s possible ouster is unlikely to bring any radical change in India-Pakistan relations. The bilateral relationship has plateaued since PTI came to power.

नेपाळ-भारत-श्रीलंका या उपक्रमाचा उपयोग लोकांचे संबंध अधिक चांगले करण्यासाठी केला जाऊ शकतो.

हल्ली भारतीय लष्कर पाकव्याप्त काश्मीर कसे पुन्हा ताब्यात घेऊ शकते, याच्या कल्पनारम्य कथा रंगविल्या जात आहेत. पण इतिहासात डोकावले की कळते, हे घडणे अवघड आहे.

पाकिस्तानच्या वाढत्या कमकुवतपणामुळे उपखंडातील आण्विक गतिशीलता येत्या काही वर्षांत बदलू शकते.

भारत-पाकिस्तानमध्ये वाढलेला तणाव कमी करण्याचे पहिले पाऊल भारत-पाकिस्तानच्या लष्करी महासंचालकांनी केलेल्या शस्त्रसंधीच्या घोषणेमुळे उचलले गेले आहे.